Ibsa GQM-ABO irraa dhimma "Tokkummaa Jaarmayoolee fi Gurmuulee ABO" Caamsaa 27, 2015 irratti labsa bahee ilaalchiisee

Ibsa Gurmuu Qabsaawota fi Miseensota Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo (GQM-ABO) …

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Ibsa GQM-ABO irraa dhimma “Tokkummaa Jaarmayoolee fi Gurmuulee ABO” Caamsaa 27, 2015 irratti labsa bahee ilaalchiisee

Akkuma beekamuu fi hubatamuuti GQM-ABO yeroo “ABOn Jijjiiramaa” sagantaa siyaasaa ABO tarttiibaa ala jijjiiruun enyumaa Ioophiyumaa fudhatee, caasaa jaarmayichaa gara isaaniif toleetti jijjiiruuf yaalaa turameetti hoggannootaa fi miseensoota haalla sana dura dhaabachuun dhawwaataan irraa hafaniin utubame. Galiin GQM-ABO guddaa fi ol aanaan himbaabsii tokko malee gareeleen maqaa ABO qaban kan kaayyoo dhaabbichi irratti ijaarame kanneen hin faalleesiin akka tokkomanii fi dhaabbichiis humnoomu irratti hojjachuun mooraa qabsoo Oromoo tokkoomsuu fi qabsaawoota bilisummaa Oromiyaa hunda tasgabeesuuf gahee fi dandeetti ofii bahuu dha ture. Ammas akkasuma.

Haala kanarraa ka’uun gareelee dhaabbii siyaasaa ifaa fi qulqullumina sagantaa siyaasaa ABOn irratti utubame qaban waliini fi ULFO waliinis jila ramaduun mariin bara lama ol adeema osoo jiru, as kaluu kana garee “ABO jijjiiramaa” Kan General Kamal Gelchuun hoggannamu irraa sababaa adeemsaa irraa murna gargar bahee waliin mariin akka jalqabamu qaama hoggansa waloo keessa jili itti ramadame mariin hanga tokko deemee ilaalcha kana dura irratti gargar nuu baase irratti garaagarumaan GQM-ABO keessatti mul’ate. Haala kana irratti qaamni hoggansa waloo fi miseensootni GQM-ABO osoo akkaataa garaagarumaa kan hikuuf marii adda addaa gaggeessa jirruu qaama hoggansa waloo GQM-ABO keessaa jaallan rakkoo kanaaf mari’atanii furmaata akka hoggannootaa fi miseensootaaf akeekan dirqamni itti kenname hoggoon tokko labsa waliitti makamuu fi hoggnna tokko qaamoota maqaaleen isaanii labsa kana irratti dhawwame waliin baasan. Haalli kun tarttiiba sirna waliitti makamu ykn tokkoomu waan hin hordofinii fi qaamni hoggansa waloo GQM-ABO fi miseensootni biyyaa fi ollaa biyyaa jiraniis waan hin dhugoomsiinii fi wal hubannoon irra hin gahamin jecha, walii galteen labsame kun waan miseensoota qaama hoggansa waloo keessaa haggoo ilaalu malee GQM-ABO guutuu akka hin laale /taane/ ibsina.

GQM-ABO marii kana dura ABO fi ULFO waliin kaayyoo qulqulluu fi ifaa ta’ee fi bakka wal hubannooni irra gahee, 1. Kaayyoo bilisummaa fi walabummaa Oromiyaa, heeraa fi seera dhaabichaa, akkasumas qabeenyaa fi dandeetti keenya walitti dachaasu irratti waliif gallee sadarkaa xumuraa irra geenye ture irraa kaasne jila haaraya ramaduun gahee keenya kan ABO tokkoomsuu fi humnoomsu irratti ni hojjanna. Haalli amma ta’ee kuni ammo kan haala kana gufachiisuuf shira xaxame kan nutt fakkaatuuf, nutti GQM-ABO Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo tokkummatti beekna. Kanaafuu GQM-ABO ofiin jenne. Tokkummaa dhaabichaa fiduuf hookora hin barbaachisne umuun akka hin taanes waan hubanuufi. Gama keenyaan yeroo hunda, nam –tokkees ta’ee murnii kamuu yeroo isa feesisee fi bakka isa feesiiseetti ejjanno mataa isaa fudhachuuf mirga hin goomne akka qabu ni hubanna. Waan hubatamu qabu garuu, yeroo jaarmaya tokko heeraa fi seeraan diigan ykn jaarmaya biro waliin waliitti galan tartiiba wal hubannootaa hoggannaa fi wal hubannoota miseensootaatin yoo xumuurame irra tasagabaawaa fi fudhatama qabaata jenna. Ibsa kana kan baasuu dirqamneef sirnii fi tarttiibni, akkasumatilee qabxiin ejjannoo siyaasaa kan kana dura gargar nu faccaasee kan tumsa G-7 waliin waliitti hidhata qabaachaa turan sirnaan waan hin xumuuraminiif akka ta’ee akka beekamu barbaadna. Gama keenyaan dogggoora jaarmayni ykn gareen tokko tarsimoo irratti godhe osoo jaarmayichi ummata dogoggoorse fuulduratti hin sireeffatin tokkummaan umamamu waaraa akka hin taane muuxannoo bara 2009 irraa waan barane qabna. Kanaaf, walitti makamuun amma ta’ee jedhamu kun GQM-ABO hin laalu jenna.

ABO akeeka irratti waliif galee kaayyoo ifaa irratti akka tokkumuu fi humnoomu gochuuf gahee keenya ni baana jenneetti amana. Haalli qabatamaan lafa irra jiruus haala kana yeroo gababaa keessatti akka xumuuramu kan nu dirqu waan ta’eef shaffiisaan irratti hojjachuun dirqama GQM-ABOti. Kannumatti dabalees, garaagarumaa ilaalcha xixinnoo irra tarsimoo ifaa ta’ee irratti gareeleen hundi osoo uummata Oromoo fuulduratti of qulqulleessanii badii kana dura godhaniifis sababaa wajjiin ibsachuun shakkii irraa of baasanii tokkummaan hawwatamu kun yeroo gabaaba keessatti milkaahuu danda’a jenneetti amana.

Tokkummaan Qulqullimina irratti dhugoomu waaraada!

Oromiyaan ni bilisoomti!

Injifanno ummata Oromoof!

Ibsaa Nagawoo

Miseensa qaama hoggansa waloo fi barressaa GQM-ABO

United States on Ethiopia’s Recent Election 

May 27, 2015

Press Statement by Marie Harf
Deputy U.S. Department of State Spokesperson, Office of the Spokesperson

The United States commends the people of Ethiopia for their civic participation in generally peaceful parliamentary and regional elections on May 24. We acknowledge the National Electoral Board’s organizational efforts and the African Union’s role as the only international observer mission on the ground. We also note the importance of the nine televised party debates as progress in fostering open public discussion of the challenges facing the country. We encourage all candidates, political parties and their supporters to resolve any outstanding differences or concerns peacefully in accordance with Ethiopia’s constitution and laws.

The United States remains deeply concerned by continued restrictions on civil society, media, opposition parties, and independent voices and views. We regret that U.S. diplomats were denied accreditation as election observers and prohibited from formally observing Ethiopia’s electoral process. Apart from the election observation mission fielded by the African Union, there were no international observer missions on the ground in Ethiopia. We are also troubled that opposition party observers were reportedly prevented from observing the electoral process in some locations.

A free and vibrant media, space for civil society organizations to work on democracy and human rights concerns, opposition parties able to operate without impediment, and a diversity of international and domestic election observers are essential components for free and fair elections. The imprisonment and intimidation of journalists, restrictions on NGO activities, interference with peaceful opposition party activities, and government actions to restrict political space in the lead-up to election day are inconsistent with these democratic processes and norms.

The United States has a broad and strong partnership with Ethiopia and its people. We remain committed to working with the Ethiopian Government and its people to strengthen Ethiopia’s democratic institutions, improve press freedom, and promote a more open political environment consistent with Ethiopia’s international human rights obligations.

Ethiopia: Onslaught on human rights ahead of elections

(amnesty.org)

The run-up to Ethiopia’s elections on Sunday has been marred by gross, systematic and wide-spread violations of ordinary Ethiopians’ human rights, says Amnesty International.

“The lead-up up to the elections has seen an onslaught on the rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly. This onslaught undermines the right to participation in public affairs freely and without fear as the government has clamped down on all forms of legitimate dissent,” said Muthoni Wanyeki, Amnesty International’s Regional Director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes.

The Ethiopian authorities have jailed large numbers of members of legally registered opposition political parties, journalists, bloggers and protesters. They have also used a combination of harassment and repressive legislation to repress independent media and civil society.

The lead-up up to the elections has seen an onslaught on the rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly. This onslaught undermines the right to participation in public affairs freely and without fear as the government has clamped down on all forms of legitimate dissent.

Muthoni Wanyeki, Amnesty International’s Regional Director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes.

In the run-up to Sunday’s elections, opposition political party members report increased restrictions on their activities. The Semayawi (Blue) Party informed Amnesty International that more than half of their candidates had their registration cancelled by the National Electoral Board. Out of 400 candidates registered for the House of Peoples Representatives, only 139 will be able to stand in the elections.

On 19 May, Bekele Gerba and other members of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC)-Medrek were campaigning in Oromia Region when police and local security officers beat, arrested and detained them for a couple of hours.

On 12 May, security officers arrested two campaigners and three supporters of the Blue Party who were putting up campaign posters in the capital Addis Ababa. They were released on bail after four days in detention.

In March, three armed security officers in Tigray Region severely beat Koshi Hiluf Kahisay, a member of the Ethiopian Federal Democratic Unity Forum (EFDUD) Arena-Medrek. Koshi Hiluf Kahisay had previously received several verbal warnings from security officials to leave the party or face the consequences.

In January, the police violently dispersed peaceful protesters in Addis Ababa during an event organized by the Unity for Democracy and Justice Party (UDJ). Police beat demonstrators with batons, sticks and iron rods on the head, face, hands and legs, seriously injuring more than 20 of them.

At least 17 journalists, including Eskinder Nega, Reeyot Alemu and Wubishet Taye, have been arrested and charged under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation (ATP), and sentenced to between three and 18 years in prison. Many journalists have fled to neighboring countries because they are afraid of intimidation, harassment and attracting politically motivated criminal charges.

Civil society’s ability to participate in election observation has been restricted under the Charities and Societies Proclamation (CSP) to only Ethiopian mass based organizations aligned with the ruling political party.

Amnesty International calls on the Africa Union Election Observation Mission (AU EOM) currently in Ethiopia to assess and speak to the broader human rights context around the elections in both their public and private reporting. It also calls on the AU EOM to provide concrete recommendations to address the gross, systematic and widespread nature of violations of the rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly which have undermined the right to participate in public affairs freely and without fear.

“The African Union’s election observers have a responsibility to pay attention to human rights violations specific to the elections as well as more broadly,” said Wanyeki. “The African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights protects the right of Ethiopians to freely participate in their government. This right has been seriously undermined by violations of other civil and political rights in the lead-up to the elections.”

Background

Amnesty International has been monitoring, documenting and reporting on the human rights situation in Ethiopia for more than four decades.

Since the country’s last elections in 2010, the organization has documented arbitrary and politically motivated arrests and detentions, torture and other ill-treatment, as well as gross, systematic and wide-spread violations of the rights to freedom of expression and association.

Suppressed at home, neglected abroad, Ethiopian migrants

May 23, 2015 Ethiopia

 By Graham Peebles

Ethiopians in Italy protest killing of migrants in Saudi Arabia.Demotix/Stefano Montesi. All rights reserved

(Open Democracy) — The May 24 election, contrary to US Under Secretary of State Wendy Sherman’s misjudged and widely criticized comments, is a hollow piece of democratic theatre.

The first duty of any government is to protect its citizens from harm, at home and abroad – no matter who they are, or where they are. This is the primary moral and constitutional responsibility of the EPRDF government of Ethiopia, which, as with a vast array of such obligations, they fail to meet, or even acknowledge.

In recent weeks a plethora of atrocities have befallen Ethiopians abroad: in Libya 30 Ethiopian Christians (whom we know of) were murdered (their beheadings shown on video) by Islamic jihadists, marching under a black flag of hate and violence; hundreds of others shiver in fear of being exposed to this. Earlier this month Ethiopians (together with other African migrants) living in South Africa were dragged through the streets by gangs: burnt alive, beaten, their homes and businesses destroyed, their children attacked. Thousands of Ethiopian men and women are trapped and frightened inside Yemen as that country descends into civil war; hundreds more are amongst the thousands of desperate men and women trying to cross the Mediterranean into Europe from Libya. And in the Middle East and Gulf States (MENA), Ethiopian girls, working as domestic workers, are routinely mistreated by employers; many are sexually abused, most suffer psychological violence, all are trapped into domestic slavery.

To each and every one of those Ethiopians suffering upon foreign soil, the ruling regime has offered little or no support. Not content with suppressing the people at home, violating their basic human rights and denying them freedom and justice, the EPRDF government ignores their cries for help. Unlike other nation states (Malaya, Sri Lanka, the Phillipines, for example) they provide no consular support to the vulnerable young workers in the Gulf countries; have failed to organise any major airlifts for those hiding in Yemen, have done nothing to protect migrants in Durban and Johannesburg; and have taken no significant action, save prime ministerial platitudes, to safeguard Ethiopian Christians in Libya.

The government’s neglect is shameful but not surprising, and has enraged the people, who took to the streets of Addis Ababa recently in huge numbers in a powerful display of collective grief and anger. Their peaceful protest was met – again not surprisingly, given the governments intolerance of public assembly – by baton wielding security personnel, who beat men, women and girls indiscriminately and broke up the demonstrations. According to constitutional principle demonstrations are allowed, but in practice they are all but outlawed, as are all types of free expression. The regime is paranoid, as all such totalitarian groups are.

Neither home nor country

The need for a quiet centre from where to face the world is common to us all. For many that haven of security is our country of birth, it comforts and reassures us, protecting us from the uncertainties and dangers of life. Home is where we feel safe, secure and loved. A wooden hut or a modernist mansion, home is the refuge we turn to in times of difficulty.

For the thousands of Ethiopian migrants abroad, they have neither home nor country. Abandoned by their government they are homeless, vulnerable and alone; they make easy prey for criminals: the traffickers and the gangs of rapists, kidnappers, jihadists and thugs who patrol the pathways along which the migrants walk.

To the untrained eye, the economy of Ethiopia appears to be developing, and the country gives the appearance of stability in a region of almost total instability. But this is a misleading image of development and hides deep-seated inequalities, endemic corruption, widespread bitterness and simmering fury towards the ruling party. Ethiopia remains one of the poorest countries in the world: it is ranked 173rd out of 187 countries in the UN human development index, and unprecedented numbers of its citizens are migrating in search of opportunity and freedom.

They travel north to Egypt and Libya – hoping to make it to Europe; south to Kenya and South Africa; east to Yemen, where some stay, others continue to try to crawl into Saudi Arabia. Many head to the other Gulf states, Lebanon, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates; countries with virtually no domestic labour laws, endemic racism and sexism, where naïve, uneducated young girls from rural Ethiopia enter into contracts (the Kafala system) with employers that trap them into domestic servitude, and, for many, sexual and psychological torture. Over two thirds make the journey out of the country illegally, entrusting their lives to human traffickers.

They migrate for one of two reasons, economic or political, or should we say humanitarian, for it is the violations of their basic human rights that drive many from their homeland.

Many see no way to build a decent life for themselves and their families: others, particularly journalists and political activists see no hope of freedom from tyranny and are persecuted by the security forces for holding views that differ from the government. For them Libya, Yemen or the Mediterranean are no more dangerous than Ethiopia, Islamic state no greater a threat than the police or military, and so they too step onto the migrant road of uncertainty, in search of a new home in a more peaceful place; a place where there are economic opportunities, better education, and where democracy, justice and freedom exist. All of which, despite the duplicitous political rhetoric from the EPRDF government, are totally absent in Ethiopia.

The regime systematically violates fundamental human rights, silences all dissenting voices and rules the country in a suppressive violent fashion which is causing untold suffering to millions of people. The upcoming May election, contrary to US Under Secretary of State Wendy Sherman’s ignorant, misjudged and widely criticised comments (that “Ethiopia is a democracy that is moving forward in an election that we expect to be free, fair and credible and open and inclusive”), is a hollow piece of democratic theatre; a total sham, with no credibility whatsoever. The result, as everyone in the country and amongst the diaspora knows, is a forgone conclusion.

The government of Ethiopia neglects and suppresses the people at home, ignores and abandons them abroad. They are in violation of a plethora of international covenants, as well as their own constitution, but perhaps more fundamentally they are in violation of their primary moral duty: To care for and protect their citizens, wherever they face intimidation, violence and abuse.

Joint Statement By Ogden Liberation Front (ONLF ), Sidama Liberation Front (SLF)& Oromo Liberation Front(OLF)

May 24, 2015 Ethiopia, Ogaden, Oromia

Joint Statement

The Tigray dictatorial ruling class was built on excessive military power. The regime indulged the country into extreme poverty. The corruption of the ruling class was one of the main machinery that put the country into the highest level of economic inequalities where the few members of the ruling class became the richest and the majority of the citizens are unable to even earn their daily bread.  This high level of inequality resulted into absolute poverty, migration and loss of lives of hundreds of thousands of people. Today hundreds of thousands of Ethiopian people are living in hunger and insecurity in their own country.  Some are cherished in Sahara desert and Mediterranean Sea while they were trying to escape from unfair and abusive government.

For the last 24 years, since the Tigray ruling class  came to power, the corruption, displacement of people and human rights abuses have increased with the tremendous speed. This misery darken the political space and eradicated people’s hope for democracy. The Ethiopian people have been denied political freedom and rights of expression of their opinions. In this current regime, it is a crime to have different political opinion rather than supporting the Tigray ruling class’s party. The Ethiopian regime recorded highest level of Human rights abuses, killings, and intimidations not only in African continent but also in the world.

The Tigray ruling class came to power with military force; it has built its dictatorial regime on military power and will continue to do so. One party dictatorship rule was the vision they had from the very beginning. They proved their vision within the last 24 years. In the future, they want to rule Ethiopia under one party dictatorship rule. The Tigray ruling class never listened to the Ethiopian people, nor willing to listen in the future. The responses to peoples’ questions were imprisonments, tortures and killings.

The main priority for the Tigray ruling class is to stay on power. One of the strategy they designed to stay on power is to carry out fake election every five years. The last four elections proved that the ruling class is the most dictatorial regime on the planet. This 5th election that will take place on May 24, 2015 is not different from the previous elections. This election will not make any change to the political system and democracy in the country but it is only to renew the power of the ruling class for the next 5 years. This election is not democratic and not expected to fulfil the interest of the Ethiopian people. The election board is established by the current ruling class; the so called participating political parties are not treated fairly; the members of the opposition parties are arrested, harassed and beaten; the election process do not follow the democratic principle. Therefore, one can easily to judge the outcome of such unfair and sham election.

The Ethiopian people was struggling for peace and democracy for several years. Among the people struggling for their rights the Oromo people was on the forefront. The Oromo people was struggling for many years and made huge sacrifices to regain their freedom and democracy. The Oromo people is not struggling to gain nominal seats in dictatorial government system but to become free from a century long political, economic and social domination. This objective cannot be achieved through participating in the election organised by the dictatorial ruling class.

Particularly to the Oromo youngsters and students, you have made significant sacrifices to move the Oromo struggle forward. In order to make your sacrifices yield a fruit, you must continue your struggle for freedom and democracy. Participating in this fake election means that you forget the sacrifices your brothers and sisters made. Participating in this election means that you’re building the power of your perpetrators. From many years’ experience, the OLF knows the plan and behaviour the Tigray ruling class. The OLF knows that this regime is not prepared to leave its position even if they lose the election, which is unlikely within the current election process.

Therefore, the OLF wants to inform the Ethiopian people in general and the Oromo people in particular, that this election stands only to serve the Tigray ruling class and to keep them in power for the next 5 years. This election does not fulfils the interest the Ethiopian people and do not lead to peace, stability and economic development of the country. The OLF wants to remind the Oromo and other people in Ethiopia that it should not mislead by this sham election.

Particularly to the Oromo people, you are the first target of the Tigray ruling class. The power and strength of this regime works against you. So the OLF remind you to stay away from any activity, including the current election that build the Tigray regime and keep them in power.

Victory to the people!

May 23, 2015

The Ethiopian Sham Election Serves Only The Dictatorial Government

                                        
 The Tigray dictatorial ruling class was built on excessive military power. The regime indulged the country into extreme poverty. The corruption of the ruling class was one of the main machinery that put the country into the highest level of economic inequalities where the few members of the ruling class became the richest and the majority of the citizens are unable to even earn their daily bread. This high level of inequality resulted into absolute poverty, migration and loss of lives of hundreds of thousands of people. Today hundreds of thousands of Ethiopian people are living in hunger and insecurity in their own country. Some are cherished in Sahara desert and Mediterranean Sea while they were trying to escape from unfair and abusive government. For the last 24 years, since the Tigray ruling class came to power, the corruption, displacement of people and human rights abuses have increased with the tremendous speed. This misery darken the political space and eradicated people’s hope for democracy. The Ethiopian people have been denied political freedom and rights of expression of their opinions. In this current regime, it is a crime to have different political opinion rather than supporting the Tigray ruling class’s party. The Ethiopian regime recorded highest level of Human rights abuses, killings, and intimidations not only in African continent but also in the world. The Tigray ruling class came to power with military force; it has built its dictatorial regime on military power and will continue to do so. One party dictatorship rule was the vision they had from the very beginning. They proved their vision within the last 24 years. In the future, they want to rule Ethiopia under one party dictatorship rule. The Tigray ruling class never listened to the Ethiopian people, nor willing to listen in the future. The responses to peoples’ questions were imprisonments, tortures and killings. The main priority for the Tigray ruling class is to stay on power. One of the strategy they designed to stay on power is to carry out fake election every five years. The last four elections proved that the ruling class is the most dictatorial regime on the planet. This 5th election that will take place on May 24, 2015 is not different from the previous elections. This election will not make any change to the political system and democracy in the country but it is only to renew the power of the ruling class for the next 5 years. This election is not democratic and not expected to fulfil the interest of the Ethiopian people. The election board is established by the current ruling class; the so called participating political parties are not treated fairly; the members of the opposition parties are arrested, harassed and beaten; the election process do not follow the democratic principle. Therefore, one can easily to judge the outcome of such unfair and sham election. The Ethiopian people was struggling for peace and democracy for several years. Among the people struggling for their rights the Oromo people was on the forefront. The Oromo people was struggling for many years and made huge sacrifices to regain their freedom and democracy. The Oromo people is not struggling to gain nominal seats in dictatorial government system but to become free from a century long political, economic and social domination. This objective cannot be achieved through participating in the election organised by the dictatorial ruling class. Particularly to the Oromo youngsters and students, you have made significant sacrifices to move the Oromo struggle forward. In order to make your sacrifices yield a fruit, you must continue your struggle for freedom and democracy. Participating in this fake election means that you forget the sacrifices your brothers and sisters made. Participating in this election means that you’re building the power of your perpetrators. From many years’ experience, the OLF knows the plan and behaviour the Tigray ruling class. The OLF knows that this regime is not prepared to leave its position even if they lose the election, which is unlikely within the current election process. Therefore, the OLF wants to inform the Ethiopian people in general and the Oromo people in particular, that this election stands only to serve the Tigray ruling class and to keep them in power for the next 5 years. This election does not fulfils the interest the Ethiopian people and do not lead to peace, stability and economic development of the country. The OLF wants to remind the Oromo and other people in Ethiopia that it should not mislead by this sham election.
 Particularly to the Oromo people, you are the first target of the Tigray ruling class. The power and strength of this regime works against you. So the OLF remind you to stay away from any activity, including the current election that build the Tigray regime and keep them in power. Victory to the Oromo people! Oromo Liberation Front May 23, 2015

Landslide likely for Ethiopia’s long-time rulers

May 22, 2015 Ethiopia

Election victory for governing EPRDF a certainty, but why it will win is still subject to debate.

The EPRDF’s six million plus members, huge resources and support networks give it an advantage [AFP]

(Aljazeera) — When Ethiopia’s ruling party and its allies won 99.6 percent of the parliamentary seats in the country’s last elections five years ago, some wondered if a government often accused of suffocating the opposition would be embarrassed.

The answer was no.

“Imagine a government which has delivered double-digit growth rates for over seven years losing an election anywhere on earth,” Meles Zenawi, by then the leader of Africa’s second most populous nation for almost 20 years, said.

“It is unheard of for such a phenomenon to happen.”

Not only did they not lose. The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), a coalition of ethnicity-based parties, won all but two of the seats in the 547-seat parliament, and one of the two they failed to win went to an ally.

Five years later and Meles – a towering figure, not only in Ethiopia but across Africa, is dead – and his more mild-mannered successor Hailemariam Desalegn on Sunday faces his first poll as leader of the all-powerful coalition.

Analysts, however, say he won’t see much of a challenge.

“The EPRDF’s six million plus members, huge resources and support networks provide it a massive advantage and the likelihood of a landslide win,” Mark Schroeder, an African politics analyst with Stratfor, told Al Jazeera.

“This time, for the sake of legitimacy and to please Western donors, a small number of opposition candidates may get a chance to join the parliament. In the overall result the ruling party is expected to win around 90 percent.”

But the scale of that 2010 victory, and the predictions of similar this time, present a legitimacy problem for this darling of foreign aid chiefs and shoulder-to-shoulder ally of the Western security and intelligence establishment.

A re-enactment of the Ethiopian civil war is played out during an EPRDF rally [AFP]

Glass towers

Opposition figures plead that they are harassed and harangued. Journalists have fled. And six young bloggers have been in prison for more than a year, accused of terrorism on charges that rights groups say have been cooked up.

“We are very confident that we can secure a lot of seats – maybe around 100,” Yonathan Lemessa, spokesman for the high-profile and relatively new opposition party Semayawi – the Blue Party – told Al Jazeera.

“There are some doubts, though, because in some places we can’t even campaign,” Yonathan said, adding that the party has had campaigners arrested, posters torn down and tyres on its cars punctured with nails.

The EPRDF denies it interferes with the opposition and in recent years has accused it of sour grapes. For the government, if its wins it is an endorsement of the development it has spearheaded over almost 25 years.

“We’re confident that we will get a mandate in all of the seats that we’re contesting but, ultimately, the decision lies with the people and we will respect and honour their will,” Desta Abraham, a spokesman for the EPRDF, said.

“We’ve highlighted our successes and also informed of our efforts to solve any problems that arise with Ethiopia’s progress.”

Progress is apparent. Addis Ababa, the thronged and vibrant capital, has seen its skyline transformed by glass towers and mock-European villas. A light rail system is almost finished. Africa’s biggest dam will soon start generating power. A small middle class has emerged, and is growing.

“I would caution that a landslide victory for the EPRDF should not automatically be chalked up to chicanery,” J. Peter Pham, head of Africa analysis at US think tank the Atlantic Council, told Al Jazeera.

“Whatever else one may say about the ruling coalition, there is no denying the stability, economic growth, and development it has delivered.”

Subdued mood

Poverty, though, is plain to see and many Ethiopians still leave the country in search of a better life. In April, almost 30 of them were murdered by the armed group, the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), in Libya en route to join migrant boats on the Mediterranean.

And when crowds took to the Addis Ababa streets to grieve, many directed angry shouts at the government. Police cleared them from the streets.

The Blue Party is seen as the group that most appeals to that disquiet on the part of some urban youth. They have mounted public campaigns and are running for 139 seats, though analysts do not expect them to secure many.

Medrek, a coalition of opposition parties that includes many old warhorse politicians who have been around for several elections, is fielding more candidates but, again, analysts don’t think its chances are strong.

Medrek says that is because it is denied the space to operate.

Diplomats and analysts told Al Jazeera that the election will give the EPRDF – said by some to now be a more collegiate organisation than it was under Meles – the chance to push forward under Hailemariam, who had been seen as a placeholder choice to replace Meles after his sudden death.

“While he is not the larger-than-life figure on the African and global stage that his predecessor was, he has been a steady leader with some significant successes,” Pham said.

Critics say another landslide will lend the EPRDF the legitimacy to shore up its power even further and squeeze any remaining life from the opposition.

Its supporters, though, say its assured victory will allow it to pursue an ambitious policy to quickly turn Ethiopia into a middle-income country.

With the result a foregone conclusion, the mood in the capital is subdued, a few posters and the occasional car trundling past while broadcasting party slogans the only signs that a major election is about to take place.

Ethiopians told Al Jazeera that memories of a disputed 2005 poll, after which 193 street protesters and seven policemen were killed, were still painful and fresh enough to dampen any appetite for a contest.

In a speech to parliament on Thursday, Hailemariam warned that any opposition efforts to kick-off protests this time would not be tolerated.

“Next week it will be over and we will go on as before,” one Addis Ababa resident told Al Jazeera.

“In any case, it has never been elections that bring change in Ethiopia.”

Imperiling the Right to Vote in Ethiopia

May 22, 2015 Human Rights

Briefing Paper – May 2015

Overview

The international human rights to vote and to participate in government are at the core of a functioning democratic society and necessary to ensure that public officials are accountable to the people. During a time in which election observation missions have proliferated across the globe, the notion of what constitutes “free and fair elections” has come to elevate the more technical requirements of electoral systems, as well as focus on the absence of overt violence and intimidation during the electoral period. This current understanding of what makes an election genuinely credible has become dislodged from the international obligations of States imposed by various international human rights treaties to respect, protect, and fulfill the right to participate in government through freely chosen representatives and the right to vote. In particular, the right to vote requires the full enjoyment and respect for the rights to freedom of expression, assembly, and association. In the lead up to elections, these fundamental rights are essential for the effective exercise of the right to vote.

On May 24, 2015, Ethiopia will hold parliamentary elections that will decide the next prime minister. Ethiopia’s last national elections in 2010 resulted in the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), the ruling party since 1991, winning a 99.6 percent victory in parliament. In the years prior to the 2010 elections, the government intimidated and harassed civil society groups and independent media. Many in the international community noted that an environment conducive to free and fair elections was not in place even before Election Day. International election observers documented multiple restrictions to the rights to freedom of assembly and expression prior to the elections.

Over the last several years, and with increasing intensity in recent months, the Ethiopian government has systematically stifled civic space in the country and criminalized dissent, mainly targeting human rights activists, journalists, and opposition supporters deemed too critical of government policy. These well-documented and widespread violations of the rights to freedom of expression, assembly, and association in the lead up to the May 24 elections imperil the right of all Ethiopians to effectively exercise their right to vote. This briefing paper will detail many of the pre-electoral violations that jeopardize the right to vote and the right to participate in government in Ethiopia and will conclude with recommendations for international observers monitoring the elections and the international community in light of these violations.

Freedom of Expression

Ethiopian government officials have threatened, harassed, detained, and prosecuted independent journalists with the effect of silencing dissent and preventing the receipt of information critical for an informed, democratic debate ahead of the May 2015 elections. Police intimidation and harassment of journalists and bloggers have resulted in more than sixty journalists fleeing the country since 2010 and the closure of six independent publications in 2014. The result is a chilling effect and self-censorship among journalists who have chosen to remain in the country. Government officials have harassed and threatened the viewers and those supplying information to independent foreign media outlets such as the Oromia Media Network (OMN). One filmmaker who partnered with the TV channel was forced to end collaboration with OMN after he received threats from security personnel that his collaboration with OMN amounted to “assisting terrorists.” In the summer of 2014, the state-owned Ethiopian Broadcasting Corporation publically denounced five independent magazines and newspapers by reporting that these outlets wanted to “destabilize” the government and are associated with terrorist organizations.

The Ethiopian government has also increasingly used the 2009 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation (“Antiterrorism law”) to prosecute and threaten independent journalists and bloggers. The law’s overly broad and impermissibly vague provisions defining “terrorism” and “encouraging or inducing terrorism” are consistently applied to restrict legitimate forms of expression. In early 2014, security forces invoked the Anti-terrorism law and threatened to arrest a group of independent journalists, who were in the process of forming the Ethiopian Journalists Forum (EJF). This threat ultimately succeeded in preventing the formation of EJF.

Whether under the anti-terrorism law or other sections of the criminal code, independent bloggers and journalists have also been charged, detained, and prosecuted for being too critical of government policies. Ethiopia currently has the highest number of detained journalists of any country in Africa, with at least nineteen currently in detention. Independent bloggers and journalists have been arrested and detained and publications have been shut down for disseminating ideas and facts critical of the ruling party’s policies and human rights abuses. Six independent bloggers with the collective Zone 9, and three other journalists, who published material critical of the ruling party, were arrested in April 2014 and later charged with terrorism and inciting violence. They could face the death penalty if convicted. In August of 2014, six independent magazines and newspapers were charged with several crimes, including terrorism, endangering national security, and “smears against officials and public institutions,” for publishing articles critical of the government, including an article on the use of the anti-terrorism law to silence journalists and dissidents. Two months later, Temesgen Desalegn, a newspaper editor who also published articles critical of the ruling party, was convicted of criminal defamation and sentenced to three years in prison.

Freedom of Assembly

In the lead up to elections this May, government officials have also harassed, detained, and used excessive force against peaceful protestors, curbing the exercise of the right to freedom of assembly. The suppression of peaceful protests has often concentrated on preventing opposition parties from demonstrating publicly. In March of 2014, members of the Semayawi Party (Blue Party), the country’s most active political opposition group, were arrested and held for several days when they chanted political slogans at an event on International Women’s Day. Later, in December of 2014, police arrested an estimated ninety demonstrators when a coalition of opposition groups gathered to collectively protest Ethiopia’s restrictions on the holding of public assemblies. In January of 2015, the police beat demonstrators, including several members of the Unity for Democracy and Justice Party, at a protest against government repression of opposition parties.

The Ethiopian government’s consistent practice of suppressing political rallies, which forms part of an overall crackdown on peaceful assemblies across the country, has resulted in a lack of an informed public debate on topics relevant to the upcoming elections and a chilling effect on forms of public assembly and expression. In April and May of 2014, security forces responded to peaceful protests in the Oromia Regional State with excessive force, resulting in at least thirty deaths of protestors and bystanders, as well as arbitrary arrests and the detention of thousands of citizens. In November 2014 security forces again used excessive force in response to a peaceful protest against the sale of Meskel Square in Bahir Dar City in the Oromo region, killing five protestors and arresting several more. On April 22 of this year, protests over the killing of Ethiopian citizens by the international terrorist group ISIS morphed into anti-government demonstrations. Security forces responded with excessive force to disperse the crowd who began chanting anti-government slogans, and after some demonstrators started throwing stones; video recordings documented police beating protestors who were not responding with violence.

Freedom of Association

Since its enactment in 2009, the Charities and Societies Proclamation (“CSO law”) has violated the right to freedom of association and has decimated the ability of independent civil society groups in Ethiopia to carry out legitimate work, including voter education activities, human rights reporting, and political advocacy, that is critical to ensuring free debate and guaranteeing the right to receive information during the pre-electoral period. The CSO law imposes severe funding restrictions on civil society groups, criminalizes legitimate human rights activities, and allows for intrusive government interference in the internal operations of CSOs. The vagueness of the law also allows for broad and unequal application, which in turn, produces a chilling effect on civil society organizations that would otherwise disseminate critical human rights information. For example, the Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRC) had documented human rights violations across the country through its twelve offices since 1991. Since the enactment of the CSO law in 2009, EHRC has been forced to reduce its offices to four and the staff by 85 percent, crippling the reach, scope, and overall effectiveness of their work.

The government has also targeted opposition political parties and associations, preventing them from fully functioning by arresting leaders and targeting members based on their membership violating the right to freedom of association. After the Oromo protests in April and May 2014, the Oromo Federalist Congress party (OFC) reported that several hundred members were arrested in the ensuing months based in large part on a party membership list stolen from their Dembi Dollo office in June of 2014. In July 2014, the police arrested several members of the Blue Party, Unity for Democracy and Justice, and the Arena Tigray Party on suspicion of terrorism, a charge often used to silence dissenters. In the fall of 2014, two Blue Party officials and three members of the party were arrested and denied access to their family or a lawyer.

Ethiopia’s Obligations Under International Law

The African Charter on Democracy, Elections, and Governance calls on State Parties to “ensure fundamental freedoms and human rights” in the context of holding regular, free, fair and transparent elections. The African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights similarly ensures the right to participate freely in government, either directly or through freely chosen representatives under article 13. The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR), in finding a violation of article 13, found that “a pattern of action designed to hamper [a potential political candidate’s] political participation” denies the potential candidate the right to participate in government7 and that the prevention of certain members of the population from running for office violates the rights of all citizens to freely choose a government representative.

Under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), acceded to by Ethiopia in 1993, the right to take part in public affairs and to vote is guaranteed by article 25. In interpreting the nature of a state’s obligations under article 25, the United Nations Human Rights Committee has held that “[f]reedom of expression, assembly and association are essential conditions for the effective exercise of the right to vote and must be fully protected,” and that the right to vote “requires the full enjoyment and respect for the rights guaranteed in articles 19, 21 and 22 of the Covenant, including freedom to engage in political activity individually or through political parties and other organizations, freedom to debate public affairs, to hold peaceful demonstrations and meetings, to criticize and oppose, to publish political material, to campaign for election and to advertise political ideas.”

The Human Rights Committee has further stated that States must ensure the right to “form and join organizations and associations concerned with political and public affairs” as an essential component of article 25 because “political parties and membership in parties play a significant role in the conduct of public affairs and the election process.”9 States must also ensure the right to nondiscrimination for potential political candidates when running for office so as to ensure “that persons entitled to vote have a free choice of candidates.”

With respect to freedom of the press, the Human Rights Committee has stressed the importance of the right to access information, stating that “[i]n order to ensure the full enjoyment of rights protected by article 25 [of the ICCPR], the free communication of information and ideas about public and political issues between citizens, candidates and elected representatives is essential. This implies a free press and other media able to comment on public issues without censorship or restraint and to inform public opinion.” The obligation to ensure an independent and free media means the “public also has a corresponding right to receive media output.”

African Union Election Observer Mission and Mandate

The African Union (AU) is the only international body to send observers to monitor the upcoming Ethiopian elections. The long-term observers from the AU arrived on April 19 and a larger delegation of observers was scheduled to arrive on May 17. According to the AU Democracy and Electoral Assistance Unit, the AU election observers “have a mandate to observe, collect and analyze data in the lead up to the Parliamentary Elections on May 24th in line with relevant African Union and international instruments such as the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, the OAU/AU Declaration on the Principles Governing Democratic Elections in Africa, the African Union Guidelines for Election Observation and Monitoring Missions, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR).”

Recommendations
To the Ethiopian government:

• Ensure the rights to freedom of assembly and association by allowing political parties and citizens to engage in peaceful assembly and create associations without unlawful restrictions, threats, or harassment as mandated by international law.
• Guarantee the right to freedom of expression – including the right to receive and access information – of journalists, bloggers, and citizens expressing dissent by immediately stopping the arrests, interrogation, threats, and detention of journalists, bloggers, human rights activists, and others for the expression of opinions critical of the government.
• Reform the 2009 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation and the Charities and Societies Proclamation in compliance with Ethiopia’s international human rights obligations.

To the African Union Election Observer Mission:

• Ensure that all election monitoring activities incorporate a human rights-based approach and document all violations of the right to vote and the right to participate in government, including the aforementioned violations of the rights to freedom of expression, assembly, and association.
• Include violations of the rights to freedom of expression, assembly, and association in the final election observation report and explicitly state that these violations detract from the ability to hold free and fair elections.

To the International Community, including the United Nations, European Union, and the United States:

• Publicly denounce the violations of the rights to vote and participate in government in light of the myriad infringements of the rights to freedom of expression, assembly, and association in the current electoral process.
• Call for assurances that journalists, peaceful protestors, and opposition parties’ political leaders and members will be able to freely and publically voice and disseminate their opinions, as well as be allowed to hold public peaceful rallies and legally form associations.
• Call for the reformation of the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation and the Charities and Societies Proclamation Law in line with Ethiopia’s international human rights obligations.

Obbo Beqqellee Garbaa Beddellee Keessatti Humnoota Federaalaatiin Reebuu Isaanii Dubbatu

May 20, 2015 Oromia

WASHINGTON DC (VOA Afaan Oromoo) — Itti-aanaa Dura-taa’aan Kongiresa Federaalawaa Oromoo obbo Baqqalaa Garbaa fi waahiloonni isaanii, eega torban tokkoo ti as Oromiyaa gama Dhihaa keessatti duula filannooo geggeessaa turan, kaleessa Bedele keessatti humnoota waraana Federaalaatiin qabamanii, reebichi fi hidhaan isaan mudachuu dubbatanii jiran. Akka Beqqelee Garbaa jedhanitti, kaleessa magaalaa Naqamtee irraa ka’anii, Beddellee keessa karawwan irra uummata dadammaqsataa dabruuf ennaa yaalaniiti, walga’iin guddaan Muummichi-ministaraa biyyattii faa irratti argaman waan achitti geggeessamaa tureef, humnoota Federaalaa karaa cufanii eegaa turaniin, hanga walga’iin sun xumuramutti akka eegan itti himame. Ennaa walga’ichi xumuramee, uummatni achi irraa dacha’uu jalqabu, “amma duula na filadhaa keessan geggeeffachuu dandeessu” – jedhanii, eyyamaniif – Poolisoonni Federaalaa sun.

“Ennaa nuti Sagalee guddiftuu keenya tottolfannee, dadammaqinsa filannoo sana labsachuu jalqabnu, uummatni walga’ii mootummmaa sana irraa deebi’aa ture cufti gara keenyatti dacha’e. Naannoo keenyatti walga’ee, jaalala isaa nuuf ibse. Asxaa keenya ol kaasee deggersa nuuf qabu beeksise” – ka jedhan – Obbo Beqqelee Garbaa, achii booda humnoonni Federaalaa, karaa duraan irraa dhorkanii turan irra akka deemanii dadammaqsachuu danda’an itti himuu isaanii dubbatu.

“Achii booda, ennaa karaa sana irra deddeemnee dadammaqsannee deebinu immoo karicha cufanii nu eegan. Gurmuun poolisoota federaalaa ka biroon, ‘maaliif karaa kana irra deemtan?” jedhanii nu qaban. Shofeera konkolaataa keenyaa fi waahiloota keenyaa fi ana reeban. Nu dhidhiitan. Mooraa hidhaatti nu naqan. Qophee koo na baasisanii na kabalan …” jechuun himaan, Obbo Beqqeleen. Yeroo dheeraa eega mana-hidhaa tursiisamanii booda, hoogganoonni Poolisii Oromiyaa humnoota Federaalaa sana waliin dubbatanii, waaree-booda sa’aa afuritti isaan hiikuu isaanii dubbatu. “Sababaa kanaan walga’iin uummataa guddaan silaa Mattuutti geggeessuuf karoorfannee tures ni hafe” jedhu.

Kan himannaa ilaalchisee har’a gaafataman, hoogganaan Boordiin Filannoo Bulchiinsa Naannoo Oromiyaas – Ambaasaaddar Dirribaa Magarsaa, Medrek waa’ee reebicha Obbo Beqqelee Garbaa fi waahiloota isaanii irratti raaw’atame – jedhame kanaa, himannaa waajira isaaniitti dhiyeeffachuu isaa eeranii, “poolisoonni Oromiyaa akka gochaa sana keessaa harka hin qabne dubbatanii jiran. Gochaan kun ka raaw’atame humnoota federaalaa naannawa san turaniin ta’uu nutti himan. Eenyus tahe eenyu kan gochaa seeraa alaa raaw’ate itti gaafatamuu qaba. Qorannnaa geggeessaa jirra” jedhan.

Washington enables authoritarianism in Ethiopia

May 20, 2015 Ethiopia

Blanket US support for the Ethiopian regime risks dismantling the country’s already beleaguered opposition

By Awol Allo

US Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Wendy Sherman spoke in Addis Ababa, on April 16. Sherman praised Ethiopian ‘democracy’ despite US assessments of the oppressive government.

(Aljazeera America) — It was only two months ago during the Israeli election that the White House was scrambling to convince the American public that the United States does not intervene in the electoral processes of other democracies.

“This administration goes to great lengths to ensure that we don’t give even the appearance of interfering or attempting to influence the outcome of a democratically held election in another country,” White House press secretary Josh Earnest said in defense of President Barack Obama’s refusal to meet with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

But the U.S. makes no apologies for its interventions on behalf of autocratic regimes elsewhere. For example, during a recent visit to Ethiopia, Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs Wendy Sherman praised Ethiopia as a vibrant and progressive democracy.

“Ethiopia is a democracy that is moving forward in an election that we expect to be free, fair, credible, open and inclusive,” she said. “Every time there is an election, it gets better and better.”

Sherman’s remarks drew the ire of activists and human rights organizations. Daniel Calingaert, the executive vice president of Freedom House, dismissed her praise as “woefully ignorant” and at odds with the reality of life as lived by ordinary Ethiopians. Not only were her claims inconsistent with human rights reports, but they also fly in the face of her department’s annual country surveys, which tell a radically different story.

In its latest Ethiopia report, for example, the State Department identified significant human rights violations, including restrictions on freedom of speech, Stalinist-style show trials, and crackdowns on free press, opposition leaders, activists and critical journalists. The report and others by human rights groups reveal a consistent and widespread pattern of abuse, including torture, arbitrary killings, restrictions on freedom of association, interference in freedom of religion and the politicized use of the country’s anti-terrorism proclamation.

Defending status quo

Sherman’s comment was not an isolated gaffe. Since the death in 2012 of Ethiopian strongman Meles Zenawi, the U.S. government has moved from tacit support to publicly defending the regime in Addis Ababa, concocting irresponsible, make-believe stories. After Zenawi’s death, Susan Rice, then the top U.S. diplomat at the United Nations and Obama’s current national security adviser, eulogized Zenawi as a selfless and tireless leader “totally dedicated” to his people. She praised his intellectual prowess and called him “uncommonly wise, a man able to see the big picture and the long game.” She ended her tribute by calling for the continuity of his legacy.

Contrary to Sherman’s claims, Ethiopia is an authoritarian state. Instead of getting better and better at strengthening democratic institutions and opening up democratic spaces for free and fair elections, it got better at building surveillance structures that allow the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), now in power for nearly 24 years, to exercise total control over the population.

With a general election set for Sunday, EPRDF retains a monopoly over politics and has the technical and institutional capabilities to monitor and intimidate individuals. The government allegedly monitors exiled journalists and activists using Chinese- and European-made spyware.

Enabling the oppression of one ethnic group by another is no way of guaranteeing stability in Ethiopia.

Over the last 10 years, Ethiopia has fostered an increasingly invasive technical capacity and a bureaucracy that enabled authorities to conceal and hide its oppressive profile. Since 2005, the country has adopted a slew of draconian laws with the aim of restricting democratic politics. This includes the 2009 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation and the Charities and Societies Proclamation, which effectively destroyed the conditions necessary for credible, free and fair elections. Together, the two laws allowed the government to circumvent or indefinitely suspend basic guarantees of the constitution. Under the pretext of fighting terrorism, the regime exiled, prosecuted and convicted several opposition leaders, journalists, community leaders and activists.

This and many other instruments of control enabled the EPRDF to win 99.6 percent of the votes in the 2010 elections, losing only two of the 547 seats in the federal Parliament and one seat out of the 1,900 in the regional assemblies. Five years of intimidation and harassment of the opposition and war against free press means that Sunday’s voting will be anything but fair and free.

Ethiopia is the fourth-most-censored country in the world. Journalists are among the collateral damage of Ethiopia’s ever widening counterterrorism dragnet, with several reporters exiled or prosecuted and convicted on trumped-up charges under the country’s anti-terrorism law. At least 60 journalists have been forced into exile since 2010, and at least 19 have been imprisoned, according to Human Rights Watch. In 2014 alone, 30 journalists were forced to leave the country, 22 were charged with crimes, and five magazines and one newspaper were closed. The State Department has on several occasions called on Ethiopia to refrain from using its anti-terrorism proclamation “as a mechanism to curb the free exchange of ideas.”

The Ethiopian government has proved adept at creating facts, stories and images that imply an imminent disintegration of the country and destabilization of an already volatile region. Zenawi was successful in casting himself and his party as the best hope for a united Ethiopia and a stable Horn of Africa as well as a bulwark against Islamic extremism in an increasingly volatile region. With that, he drove a wedge between the pan-Ethiopian nationalists committed to the continuity of a unitary and centralized state and ethno-national forces pursuing ethno-cultural and linguistic justice for those on the periphery of Ethiopian politics.

This image of the EPRDF as the only guarantor of stability and continuity captured the imagination of Western diplomats whose fears of rampaging terrorism in East Africa trumped their objections to dictatorship.

Their endorsements are not merely influential but also consequential. For one, such blanket support bolsters the government, giving it license to silence and paralyze the already fragile opposition and disgruntled activists. It also risks encouraging the regime to perpetuate violence.

For most Western diplomats, Ethiopia offers what they want: the best chance at providing stability in the troubled Horn of Africa. However, propping up a minority regime and enabling the oppression of one ethnic group by another in a country where ethnic identity is the basic form of political expression and recognition is no way of guaranteeing stability. It is a principal marker of long-term instability and perhaps one of the many ticking time bombs threatening Ethiopia’s integrity.

Awol Allo is a fellow in human rights at the London School of Economics and Political Science.