Tuesday, January 27, 2015

Oromo Liberation Movement and Liberation Organizations

                                                                Ibsaa_Guutama
Oromiyaa is still under occupation. Oromo are still denied the right to their land, their resources, the rights as individuals and as a people, and their freedom. Their culture, tradition, language and identity were being totally erased so that they will never claim nationhood at any point in history. These were the major causes of social and political upheavals of the 1960s. More worst, even after the pseudo recognition of them being an entity, evictions of farmers from their land is going on at the highest rate, and the land is being sold to international and local investors who poison the water and the land, and cut down forests and shrubs indiscriminately.
Oromiyaa’s land is claimed to belong to the colonial state, not the Oromo people. Oromo are turning homeless and jobless than ever before while their looted wealth are being enjoyed by occupiers and “investors” — while they are looking on scratching their collapsed bellies. No one will say it will be easy to undo such an arrogant Apartheid policy and what they have done to the sovereignty of Oromiyaa, its history, culture and language, but however long it takes and whatever it may cost, nothing is impossible.
As long as there is discrimination, dislocation, negligence and subjugation based on nationality, it is nothing other than Apartheid. That is what caused the “Anti-Apartheid Movement,” representatives of peoples of the empire’s lowlands from Turkana to Matakkal, customarily referred to as Omotic and Nilotic, talk about. It is a policy being practiced on all colonial peoples of Ethiopia. Therefore, all the colonies must in unison “SAY NO TO ETHIOPIAN APARTHEID.”
The Oromo had tried for their grievances to be heard in a peaceful manner, but in vain. The initial rise and fall of the Pan-Oromo Maccaa and Tuulama Association (MTA) made two things clear: that Oromo nationalism is never dead and that the colonizer will never allow the colonized to air their grievances peacefully. Therefore, the need for galvanizing organized political resistance to harness those grievances into a liberation struggle was proved beyond doubt. At the same time, the world was in revolutionary fervor. Everywhere there were civil, women’s and other minority rights and liberation movements were on the rise. Over and above, internal causes also contributed greatly to the political consciousness of Oromo youth of that time. Modern Oromoo nationalism is anti-racism, discrimination and subjugation of one nation by another. The fabric of Oromummaa or Oromo nationalism as an outlook sprung from the heritage of Gadaa democracy.
The Oromo nation has aspirations and hopes for freedom and independence. Those are what form its kaayyoo, the objective principle of the nation. The OLF [Oromo Liberation Front] set standard by including those ingredients from the Gadaa heritage and present aspirations and hopes of the nation for freedom in its political program for the Oromo struggle. That is what made OLF the “OLF” we know, and what made it the icon and spirit of the nation that no entity can erase from the people’s minds. It is a hero by its own right that everybody has to honor and support it to flourish. Tactics and strategy may be improved, but that OLF goal for independence of Oromiyaa is not negotiable – it must be set clear to friends and foes at the outset. Oromo demands to be given an opportunity for its voice to be heard in determining its own destiny. OLF’s role is to agitate for independence, not free election within Ethiopia, for that is an internal affair of the empire state. But it upholds the ultimate decision of the Oromo nation. The UN is under legal and moral obligation to pressure its member, the Ethiopian state, to obey the UN Charter, conventions and resolutions. That is what OLF ought to demand from the world organization.
The Oromo continued to express their grievances, but they were met with more humiliation and contempt. Such oppressive political atmosphere and nonstop repression of members of the Oromo Nation prompted the people for more cohesive and determined move to demand respect for their rights to life, freedom, education and development. All the cumulative grievances of generations culminated in the formation of MTA mentioned above. But, it was soon thwarted and disbanded. That could have been a good opportunity for the Habashaa rulers to apologize for past abuses and redress all wrong done against the colonial peoples before it became a matter of life-and-death question for the victimized. More oppression cannot be a guarantee for the continued unbridled exploitation of resources and manpower or a solution for the retaliation they anticipate if they lose the rein of power. Provoked by the enemy’s arrogance of that sort, the youth decided to look for ways that were qualitatively different from all past Oromo struggles.
MTA was able to lay down the groundwork for the coming together of Oromo from all tribes and regions before its collapse. By virtue of that, a political organization with clear goal and purpose to lead the national movement and fight the colonial system was founded for the first time in the nation’s history in 1974. That was how the vanguard organization, OLF was born and brought up in Oromiyaa. OLF is secular and favors no one religion over the other. But it upholds the religious freedom for all people. It believes the right to worship anything, or in any peaceful manner is a birth right. In principle, it may ask foreign aid, but remains nonaligned; it will also not be a satellite let alone to the Habashaa state, but even to greater powers. It can be a partner for those that favor people’s rights, tranquility and independence. Their relation will be advancing mutual interest, not one being dependent on the other. Historical accident might have exiled the leaders once, but struggle requires rubbing chests and cannot be done with remote control; it has to return to where it is required. Only independent organizations can bring forth independent country. If there are those who believe they can march from outside and capture Oromiyaa, it will only be fooling oneself and unprecedented. Even Afghani and Iraqi diaspora that marched under the shadow of the foreign great army did not win their objectives because they were considered runaways not fighters.
The OLF was mindful of its neighbors that came under the colonial rule at the same time. They all share the same pre and postcolonial history. Their numerical strength may vary, but there are over 80 proud nationalities with own sovereign territories. They had tried numerous uprisings to regain their freedom and country back. But those were defeated by mobilizing foreign military experts and setting one oppressed against the other. To thwart such vicious tactics of the colonizer and bring together the oppressed for the resistance struggle, OLF joined activists from other oppressed nationalities in forming the “Revolutionary Struggle of the Oppressed in Ethiopia” (RSOE). Its members were from peoples in the lowland bordering Somalia, Kenya, Uganda, Sudan and the Red Sea and from all so called Southern States and Oromiyaa.
The understanding was that RSOE is a cover organization under that brutal regime from which national organizations could sprout underground and form a united front of oppressed nationalities to wage the anticolonial struggle for freedom and independence. During its active days, RSOE had saved many activists of the colonies from persecutions. It did not take the Nafxanyaa much time to identify it as a ‘reactionary façade created by narrow nationalists,’ and put it under surveillance. RSOE preempted them and dissolved itself before further damage when it was known for what it was. OLF had made clear in its political program about its stand on the possibility of forming partnership in the struggle and beyond. It has come making rapprochement with several friendly organizations. Much work is needed to win trust in each other and together bring an end to misery of their peoples. Colonizers originate from a minority group. If the colonies could unite, it would only be a onetime campaign to push them back to where they came. OLM [Oromo liberation movement] does not show concern for the Oromo alone, but is mindful of the agony of its neighbors. There can be no peace in the region until all colonized peoples are liberated.
Oromo liberation organizations did not give enough attention as it should have done to women’s power throughout the struggle. Oromo women are no lesser fighters than their brothers. The few who got the chance to be enrolled had proved that during the past four decades’ armed struggle. In olden days, the division of labor was such that when women take care of the home and upbringing of children, the men were responsible for all outside home, including battle fronts.
This does not mean to forget the role of women in preparing provisions and weaponry for the warriors as well as feeding and saddling battle horses, and playing the role of rear guards. Now situations have changed. The difference between chores is becoming nonexistent. Therefore, men-women work relations have to be reassessed. In particular, forums in all fields have to be opened for women’s participation. They should be judged by what they can do, not by their gender. No particular gender has more concern for the liberation than the other. Therefore, all positions have to be open to meritorious women as they are for men. Oromiyaa cannot be liberated without the liberation and participation of its women. Hence, Oromo women are called up on for dual struggle: struggle for equal rights of human beings irrespective of genders, and also for the equal participation in the liberation of their country, Oromiyaa.
In four decades the OLF had registered more successes than past and contemporary Oromo organizations. But given the great number of the Oromo and the rich resource Oromiyaa yields, it could have mobilized much more than what was expected. Instead, it was ridden with internal conflicts and betrayals from failure to maintain strong airtight organization to keep out the invisible enemy’s hands. Internal conflicts led to schisms. Most splinter groups uphold the same Kaayyoo of independence and freedom as the mother organization though as of recently there are a couple of them who officially move with Itophiyaan agenda. Most of them happened by misconception of the new world order and loss of the lofty vision they initially had.
The enemy knows where to strike. Whether an organization is fighting for independence of Oromiyaa or for democracy under the empire state, it will be regarded by Habashaa leaders as real and potential danger. To serve as an excuse for suppressing Oromo voice, OLF is branded as a terrorist organization. Terrorism is now a term used worldwide to define “Islamist fundamentalism” that has no regard for civilian lives and strikes anytime anywhere with the purpose of terrorizing human beings so that they lose confidence in the present world order. Even if not fully accepted by the world, Wayyaanee’s plan is serving its purpose of terrorizing the Oromo and herding them into prisons, death camps and exile.
All Oromo nationals who are not complacent with any silly ideas of the rulers are branded OLF and actions taken. Even in foreign land, Oromo are faced with threats, fears and rejections. Despite such truth, it is heartbreaking to see some Oromo who try to add fuel to fire ignited by the enemy and weaken the OLF. To terrorize peoples who do not agree in opinion with rulers is an inherited trait for the colonizers. Leaving aside the “breast cutting and hand cuttings” of emperors, we have seen during the Darg how what were termed as “Red and White Terrors” were openly executed. Darg’s deeds were performed with bragging and in the open. The Wayyaanee’s methods are termed “anti-terrorist campaigns” and are being executed clandestinely and officially by assassins and torture squads.
The way OLF and others with similar national objectives function is now at stage where it requires thorough renewal. In the first place, if they prophecy similar goal, there is no reason for them to operate separately. Therefore, forming a firm united front is overdue. There is deep-seated mistrust between groups. All complains about usurpation of OLF power by a group and derailment of kaayyoo, but no public debate had ever been conducted to prove or disprove. Lack of competent, trusted leadership, arrogance, indifference of some members of the leadership to warning symptoms of dissension, self-centeredness, lack of critical thinking, loyalty to a group for whom Oromummaa is a secondary matter, low political consciousness and incompetence to distinguish between major and minor contradictions, as well as invisible strings of puppet masters and lack of redress mechanism for wrongs done were some of the possible causes for going apart.
Modern operations require smooth communications between the tip and the center based on ilaa fi ilaamee (dialogue). There is no doubt that there are chronic undemocratic habits of operating in each Oromo political organization. They all have to agree to give up their archaic ways for professionally considered ones. Any of the above mentioned shortcomings need to be gotten rid of and be replaced by an efficient and effective system. It may be hard to forego the force of habit, but nothing is impossible, if tried hard and sincerely. Due to what is mentioned above and other causes like the struggle fatigue, Oromo political organizations have started to manifest decadence. It is visible even to onlookers that no one of them is moving forward to fulfill what is expected of them. It seems they are unable to move – entangled by net they formed around themselves.
More time is wasted in complaining about each other, internal bickering and competing for funds. National days have turned fund soliciting days rather than being utilized for remembrance and socialization. Had they been used for consultations on directions of the struggle and searching for solution for existing problems together it could have enriched confidence in each other. More than that, it could also minimized calumny. There is no heart breaking thing for the nation than Oromo organizations, not having a cubit of liberated land under their control. There is also no more humiliation to the nation than. When minority neighbors cross border in East, West, South, and North to attack and evict Oromo farmers from their ancestral land and there was no one Oromo organizations on hand to defend them.
The time is the time to shade old skin and get refreshed. From their numbers and bravery, no one should have leered at the Oromo – let alone occupy. There had been mute observers over the years that there were negligence and weakness. If there is no improvement, every year one cannot understand why people go the same way. There is no leader who assessed the situation and came out courageously to criticize himself and sought for solutions. Each member of the organization is supposed to have the capability to elect and be elected to any position in the organization. But no platform to improve oneself was created for members. What type of hope can be placed over a member who knows no right, but duty? Self-evaluation would never be late. It is said, “To err is human” but to admit it requires courage. Among Oromo activists to evaluate and criticize oneself are taboos that need to be broken.
Human rights organizations deserve many thanks for putting out reports on inhuman treatments of the Oromo by the system in power. More would be expected from Oromo political organizations. What those saw from afar and reported, the ones who are able to live there to taste the agony first hand could have done better. To build own capacity to help victims and their families as well as defend the remaining from abuses is what was normally expected from half a century old movement. Is it too much for politicians worthy of the name to execute these? No, but they have to first resolve the organizational question. It will be then that they will be blamed or praised as heads of political organizations. Otherwise, it would be talking about caracas of organizations. All Oromo political organizations split from the OLF. Therefore, they are duty bound to save OLF from impending danger even if they abhor it. OLF has become an organization of the Oromo people because they have spilt their blood and wealth for it to survive enemy’s onslaught. The call for each activist is to use all available means to disentangle it from the snare, and save it for the country. One has to believe that if there is any mistake it is not the organization, but someone is there to be accountable. Care is needed not to shun the OLF for folly of individual actors. Not to safeguard the OLF will be considered as offering the Oromo struggle on a silver plate to the national enemy.
Too much liberalism in mass recruitment to expand one’s circle could only open the way for infiltrators and Ethiopianists to destroy the organization from inside. Oromo organization has been doing things for decades in the same way. It is high time that they reassess their performances in order to improve on shortcoming by using modern technology and know-how. Leaders have to manifest transparency in their work and dedication to the cause they are entrusted with. A leadership that strives to win genuine trust of its comrades and the Oromo people is what all crave for. The Gadaa system had a culture of administration governed by “ilaa fi ilaamee” (dialogue) long before written constitution. This is one of the basic principles of governance that no Oromo can ignore if it aims to be successful in its endeavor. This does not mean the principles of hiriyaa, election and time in office can be overlooked by those proud of their heritage.
It is now the time to involve all Oromoo activists to advance Oromo struggle to its end goal. All that had stayed apart for one reason or other need some sort of orientation and trust building program. If they are still in agreement on the ultimate goal of the struggle leaders and groups have to be careful not to send mixed messages in matters that have connection with strategy of the struggle. Oromo organizations that uphold the original kaayyoo of the nation have their goal as establishing Democratic Republic of Oromiyaa. This is the principle that ought to be reflected in all correspondence, interview or public relation endeavors. In this era where organizations are expected to be guided with precision one man or clique show will only invite dissentions within community of activists’ and spontaneous upheaval in society. An organization has structure to which different roles are assigned to. In general authority is distributed to each tier. In case of any grumbling there must be a mechanism that will help steam it out. It is the duty of a wise leader to keep in touch with all functionaries hammer out doubts and misgiving before they cripple the organization. It must be understood that Oromo movement for liberation (OLM) will never stop with or without leadership until the national question is addressed. However to have committed leadership in the forefront gives it order and discipline required for victory.
All conscious Oromo are aware of what is going on these days in their community, professional associations, religious and political organizations, social movements etc. When those who are building momentum to empower their people are trying their best, saboteurs – who are either enemy agents or misguided nationals – are busy axing it from underneath. To get organized with a clear agenda is the right of each Oromo. But to simulate freedom fighters and try to derail the struggle from its course of freedom and independence is a crime. Wherever these reach, for sure, there will be split in that body. No organized Oromo activity will be safe from them unless vigilantly guarded. These days, they are seen sprouting like mushroom in all Oromo institutions. Because they know the Oromo inside out, those messengers come in as buddies and set one social group against the other that they irrationally detest each other. Schisms in religious orders, schisms in political organizations, schisms in communities, technical establishments etc. are on the greater part their doings. It has become a national character for the Oromo to trust those who get close to them. Oromo nationals have to be careful when it comes to national interest not to be swayed by non-national esprit de corps, but by own critical thinking.
Oromo groups have lived apart for centuries and have some subtractions and add-ons to their common ethos. What they have still in common is greater than what they have lost over the years. All have to recognize this and respect the differences. Their differences have to be taken as spices for the national soup. But they have to be careful not to get swayed by persons who try to project personal problems as being directed against a larger group and mobilize it affecting the national cohesion. Such person could be ignorant of the big national picture or is an enemy agent. In such cases, an hierarchy of loyalty has to be established. For all Oromo nationalists, loyalty to the nation needs to come first before all loyalties to group one belongs to. Then, only can we move as a people with a greater vision.
The Oromo struggle is against colonial domination. Anyone advancing colonial policy – be it Habasha or Oromo – is the enemy. For a true nationalist to favor a clan member in the enemy camp and shun comrades in the liberation camp is a sin that needs absolution. At such a time, when the nation is threatened with extinction those who raise personal or ones’ narrow group interests are either insane or simply backward. They fail to comprehend that the nation is bigger than groups. Such are either those who did not understand the true nature of the struggle or moles from the enemy camp. For those who fail to see the difference between nationalism and cronyism, the cause is lack of political consciousness so are driven by emotions; the advice is to take deep breath, assess their actions and see how much they are puncturing the national struggle.
It is damning when the troublemakers are intellectuals with adjectives in front of their names or senior citizens. The nation, on the other hand, put its hope on such persons to help it disentangle itself from colonial yoke or making peace between nationals. Unfortunately, those are the ones who are helping the enemy screw the yoke harder or promoting dissensions. For this reason, genuine nationalists must be vigilant to fend off or rehabilitate such impostors. Those are the evil hands that are trying to disintegrate the national struggle by mobilizing people against each other based on region, religion and education. It is hopped Oromo activists know better than that. All social and political organizations created to advance Oromo interests may be required to be more thorough in their absorption of new faces. So far, small damage might have occurred, but are not beyond repair.
Political organizations are not states. They are organizations of volunteers to liberate a country. Their functionaries are elected with individual merits, not representing a constituency. The concentration of the leadership in the diaspora in relatively calm and peaceful atmosphere is tempting reactionary elements to have representation in accordance with regional quotas. Much hullaballoos are created around these demands and could continue until the leadership is reallocated to the field of struggle in Oromiyaa; a measure that all sane minds expect. It is only then, true revolutionaries, who take all risks for love of Oromiyaa and the Oromo people, are separated from position-monger opportunists. There, peers will elect those they believe could lead them to victory, not because of their place of birth, but because of individual merits. Such individuals could be from one family, clan, tribe or region as long as their peers believed in them. The above is true also for all organizations of volunteers. There could be mistakes committed by veteran activists, but anyone who did not undergo their experience is not qualified to judge them under different setting.
Oromo youth (qeerroo) is moving, paying tremendous sacrifices without waiting for physical presence of political leadership. The recent spontaneous upsurge of students in East, Center, South and Western Oromiyaa when integrity of their nation came under threat shows that the liberation movement never waits for leadership but nudges it to do better to catch up with events. There are tremendous potentials that the nation could release in terms of manpower and resources for those capable of using them. The determined could raise at least ten million strong army and tons of cash products for managing it. For now, leaders are struggling with their own idiosyncrasy. They could come out of it if they adopt basic Gadaa democratic principles that fit any situation, minus the rituals – which can be adjusted according to the time period.
Some of the ingredients of Gadaa democracy are all-way communication and participation of members in decision-making process. Democratic leaders must be able to look up from the ground rather than only from top of the ladder. Oromo leaders, unlike their alien counterparts, are the coordinators of members’ efforts, not the boss. Elections are preferable to selections at all levels. Consensus-building is the major task of a leader in Gadaa democracy. Each Gadaa sets standards of governance for own period in such a way that those coming after could improve on. Under Gadaa, care was taken that the youth would not be exposed to corrupt undemocratic practices. They grow up observing and practicing the rule of law and patriotic practices until their turn for power comes. Preparing future leaders has no other miracle than that.
The Oromo have great potential to play crucial role in peace-making of the region. But they cannot accept to be peaceful slaves under the harsh grip of a master. That is what they had been asked to be so far. They are asking a simple question, the realization of their right to national self-determination and respect for people and individual rights. Though nothing more than this is asked, the interpretation given it is that they are terrorists that believe in violence. The Oromo has never ever terrorized anyone, but have fought with the occupation army that is armed to its teeth and terrorizes them every day in their own land. The Ethiopian state is a member of the United Nations. The Oromo is not ignorant of the covenant they have between them. But with the hope that they will not condone a rogue state, they might have ears for plights of a nonmember nation like Oromiyaa. There is no reason for a body that supported the disintegration of the European empires would insist for integrity of the Ethiopian Empire formed in the same manner. Oromiyaa want to be independent and will be independent despite conspiracies.
In their long history, members of Oromo organizations had never pointed to each other as peace-loving and war-mongering. But such dichotomy is heard from foreign sources that wanted to see them in that way. That did not remain without touching certain soft parts of unpatriotic elements in the organizations. Those are incompetent good for no one or nothing, litters of garbage. The Oromo are organized not because they love war, but to fend of aggressors that violated their rights and their land. They raised arms when the way to peace was blocked.
There is no one that praises “nagaa and araaraa” (peace and conciliation) than the Oromo. But when life is not better than death, both lose their meanings. It is to teach the enemy that anyone can answer violence with violence, but nothing outwits the peaceful way. That was how they decided to build own capacity and challenge it to the peace table with the language it understands. That was how they raised up arms side by side with diplomacy. No one listens to the weak however one keeps on whining. Those who occupy others’ land and live on its resources will not willingly come to negotiation table unless forced. They consider the loss of excessive pleasure and crimes they have to answer for when out of power. World powers are capricious if only the Oromo could show them the fakeness of the empire for enduring partnership they may take them for what they say. The time will not be very far when all start thinking in unison; then it will not be hard for the Oromo to force the arrogant to the peace table.
Honor and glory for the fallen heroines and heroes; liberty equality and freedom for the living and nagaa and araaraa for the Ayyaanaa of our fore parents!
Ibsaa Guutama
January 2015

Monday, January 26, 2015

Two Oromo Farmers in Salale Brutally Murdered; Their Bodies Dragged and Put on Pubic Display for Resisting Oppression Against Tigrean Habesha Rulers [Viewer Discretion Advised: Graphic Photo]

                                 
Gootota Oromoo Wayyaaneen Qaltee Bakka gabaatti fannifte-Gocha faashistii xaaliyaanii fi hayila Sillaasen kan Wal fakkaatu-1.25.15


Two Oromo Farmers in Salale Brutally Murdered; Their Bodies Dragged and Put on Pubic Display for Resisting Oppression Against Tigrean Habesha Rulers
Ob. Jawar Mohammed Some might doubt such a barbaric action actually happened in the present day. But it did. This picture was taken on December 9, 2014, in Oromia, Salale province, Darra district, Goro Maskala town. The government soldiers killed Katama Wubatu and his comrade whole rebelled due to harassment, dragged their body through the town and displayed it like this as way of terrorizing the public.
Goota Oromoo maqaa shiftaa itti dhoobuun ajjeesanii ummata sodaachisuuf addababayitti fannisuun waan haarayaa miti. Oromoon falmataa malee shiftaa hin qabu. Shiftaan kan hojii jibba waan namni biraa hojjate saamu. Ilmaan Oromoo maqaan shiftaa itti dhoobamu warra roorroo mataa isaanii, firaafi saba isanitirraa gahu nuffuun ofirraa faccisuuf fincilani. Akkuma gootota Oromoo suuraa kanarratti mul’atan, Katamaa Wubeetuufi jaala isa, godhan kana kaleessa, Hagarii Tulluu, Hamidoo Ibroo, Habiibifi kanneen biroos erga diina kuffisanii kufanii booda reeffa isaanii lafarra harkisaanii fannisan. Haalli sun garuu Oromoota waan san daaw’atan garaa gubee gootota kumaatam dhalche malee sodaachisee diinaaf hin oggolchiifne. Ilmaan Oromoo karaa itti fakkaateefi danda’an maraan diinarratti duuluun haqas, barbaachisaadhas. Katamaafi jaalli isaatis seenaan isaanii tarree gootota bilisummaai kabajaa saba isaanitif kufanii cinatti galmaaya. Mee Oromoota bifa kanaan shiftaa jedhamanii diinaan ajjeefaman warra beektan maqaafi seenaa isaanii gabaabaa armaan gaditti barreessaa. Walitti kuufamee gaafa tokko galmee sirnaa ta’uu danda’a.

Sunday, January 25, 2015

UK government accused of sponsoring human rights abuses in Ethiopia


International Consortium for Investigative Journalists | Washington, DC, January 2015.
Anuak children in Gorom Refugee Camp in South Sudan. Many Anuak fled Ethiopia during a government relocation campaign called "villagization". Photo: Andreea Campeanu/ICIJ. Leaked Report Says World Bank Violated Own Rules in Ethiopia
Anuak children in Gorom Refugee Camp in South Sudan. Many Anuak fled Ethiopia during a government relocation campaign called “villagization”. Photo: Andreea Campeanu/ICIJ.
Leaked Report Says World Bank Violated Own Rules in Ethiopia
A development project funded by the UK government and run by the World Bank could be facilitating a violent resettlement program in Ethiopia that has been dogged by allegations of forced displacement, physical assaults and rape, a leaked report suggests.
Britain’s Department for International Development (DfID) is the primary sponsor of the World Bank’s foreign aid initiative, supposedly set up to improve basic health, education and public services in Ethiopia. It has attracted over £388 million in UK taxpayer’s money to date.
According to a leaked report, obtained by the International Consortium for Investigative Journalists, the seemingly benign aid program is facilitating a controversial resettlement scheme driven by the Ethiopian government.
The scathing report, carried out by the Bank’s in-house watchdog, warns of poor oversight, inadequate auditing and a failure to adhere to its own regulations which has bred links between the development program and the forced displacement of the Anuak people.
The Anuaks are a marginalized minority Christian group in Ethiopia.
Severe human rights abuses
The Ethiopian government’s resettlement program has been condemned by human rights groups worldwide who warn it has led to the destruction of thousands of Ethiopians’ livelihoods.
The initiative, known as ‘villagization’, aims to relocate 1.5 million rural families from their homesteads to villages across Ethiopia.
Since its launch in 2010, the program has been the centre of allegations of rape, physical assaults, forced evictions and disappearances.
Many of those who are uprooted from their homes and resettled elsewhere are forced to reside in substandard living conditions in refugee camps in Southern Sudan.
While the World Bank’s top brass have long denied any links to the Ethiopian government’s villagization program, an inquiry conducted by the Bank’s internal watchdog indicates otherwise.
The inquiry’s leaked findings, which surfaced this week, said the Bank’s inadequate auditing controls created a situation whereby over £300m of the DfID’s foreign aid funding could have been siphoned directly into the contentious resettlement scheme.
The report did not examine allegations the resettlement program is responsible for human rights abuses in Ethiopia, however, stressing that such an inquiry was not within its remit.
Nevertheless, it uncovered a slew of failures in the planning and implementation of the World Bank’s foreign aid program, particularly the Bank’s failure to carry out risk assessments.
The watchdog also found the Bank did not adopt necessary safeguards to protect marginalized indigenous peoples.
Uneven economic development
Anuradha Mittal, founder of the Oakland Institute, a Californian development NGO that is active in Ethiopia, said the DfID participated in the World Bank’s development initiative, and should therefore take responsibility for the scheme’s failings.
“Along with the World Bank and other donors, DfID support constitutes not only financial support but a nod of approval for the Ethiopian regime to bring about ‘economic development’ for the few at the expense of basic human rights and livelihoods of its economically and politically most marginalized ethnic groups,” she told The Guardian.
David Pred of Inclusive Development International, an NGO that works to defend the rights of the Anuak people, said the World Bank has facilitated the forced displacement of “tens of thousands of indigenous people from their ancestral lands.”
“The Bank today just doesn’t want to see human rights violations, much less accept that it bears some responsibility when it finances those violations,” he told the Guardian.
A spokesman for the World Bank declined to comment on its internal watchdog’s leaked report.
Probed on the watchdog’s findings, the DfID also declined to comment.
A marriage of convenience?
In March 2014, an Ethiopian farmer secured legal aid to sue the British government following his claim UK taxpayers’ funds were sponsoring Ethiopia’s resettlement scheme.
He said murder, rape and torture were employed by Ethiopian authorities, as part of the forced displacement program.
The 34 year-old farmer, known as Mr. O, had been forced to flee Ethiopia after he was tortured and beaten for trying to protect his land.
He said the British government were contributing to the devastation of some of Ethiopia’s poorest people rather than assisting them.
In June, Britain’s DfID faced a judicial inquiry over its alleged funding of human rights abuses in Ethiopia.
A High Court judge ruled at the time that Mr. O had a case against the British government, and his legal challenge was upheld. His lawsuit is still ongoing.
Ethiopia’s single-party government is a core ally in the West’s war on terror.
It is also a leading recipient of UK aid, despite human rights groups’ repeated allegations the funding is used to crush dissent in the troubled state.

Friday, January 23, 2015

‘Ethiopia’s media crackdown is bad news for Africa’


Without a free press in Addis Ababa, Africans are being locked out of the important decisions being made in their de facto capital, writes Simon Allison
 “Ethiopia’s media should be playing a crucial role in the May elections, but instead many journalists fear that their next article could get them thrown in jail.”
“Ethiopia’s media should be playing a crucial role in the May elections, but instead many journalists fear that their next article could get them thrown in jail.”
January 23, 2015 (The Guardian) — It’s not easy being a journalist in Ethiopia. In fact, it’s nearly impossible, according to a new 76-page Human Rights Watch report that documents the scale of the state’s censorship apparatus. As a journalist, it makes for highly disturbing reading.
“Ethiopia’s government has systematically assaulted the country’s independent voices, treating the media as a threat rather than a valued source of information and analysis,” says Leslie Lefkow, the organisation’s deputy Africa director.
“Ethiopia’s media should be playing a crucial role in the May elections, but instead many journalists fear that their next article could get them thrown in jail.”
The authors of the report spoke to 70 Ethiopian journalists, many in exile, who painted a dismal picture of the state of Ethiopian media. The government exerts control in many different ways – some subtle, some quite the opposite.
Constant fear
In November, a report from Reporters Without Borders said at least six publications had been forced to close in recent months and 30 journalists forced to flee abroad as the result of the biggest crackdown on privately-owned press since 2005.
“Most print publications in Ethiopia are closely affiliated with the government and rarely stray from government perspectives on critical issues,” said the findings from HRW, which explain how publications critical of Ethiopia’s government are regularly shut down, and printers and distributors of critical publications closed.
“Journalists critical of government policies and their families live in constant fear of harassment, arrest, and losing their livelihoods,” writes Lefkow, as “the state controls most of the media, and the few surviving private media self-censor their coverage of politically sensitive issues for fear of being shut down.”
We were publishing our magazine twice a week, and usually afterwards we would receive threats by phone and cars would follow us,
“We were publishing our magazine twice a week, and usually afterwards we would receive threats by phone and cars would follow us,” Thomas Ayalew, an Ethiopian journalist living in exile, told the organisation.
Senay Abate, another journalist who was forced to flee Ethiopia, experienced similar pressures. “I was receiving intimidating threats via text message to discourage me from doing what I was doing. It was obvious it was coming from government security agents,” he said.
Social media is also heavily restricted, and many blog sites and websites run by those living in the diaspora are often blocked inside Ethiopia. In April 2014 authorities arrested six people from the Zone 9 blogging collective, who have now been in prison for more than 260 days under antiterrorism laws.
Human Rights Watch says that this particular case has had a “chilling effect” on freedom of expression in the country, “especially among critically minded bloggers and online activists.”
Hub of diplomacy
This is bad news for Ethiopia, of course. It is rarely a good sign when a government attacks the press, but it’s also bad news for the continent as a whole.
The Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa is home to the African Union, the continental body tasked with driving African development and righting the continent’s many wrongs. This makes it the de facto African capital, a hub of diplomacy, a place where important people meet to exchange secrets and make deals.
If we want to know what’s happening in Africa, we need to know what’s happening in Addis Ababa. Without a free press, we can’t. How else are we going to figure out what our leaders are up to? They are certainly not going to tell us themselves.
If we want to know what’s happening in Africa, we need to know what’s happening in Addis Ababa
It’s not just media, either. Ethiopia keeps a close eye on NGOs and think tanks working in the country too, even those with continental mandates, and has the power to grant or deny access to the African Union by manipulating visas – if you don’t get a visa for Ethiopia, you don’t get to visit.
The result? Researchers and advocacy organisations are wary of being too critical of the current Ethiopian administration, even if they shout loudly about the failings of other African governments.
We’re getting a distorted picture of the Ethiopian story – a story that is a vital one in the context of African development
We’re getting a distorted picture of the Ethiopian story – a story that is a vital one in the context of African development. Ethiopia, along with Rwanda, is advocating a very specific developmental model, one that prioritises economic growth and socio-economic rights ahead of liberal luxuries such as democracy, participation and human rights. It sees the stifling of a free press as a justified causality in this process.
Can we trust the figures?
The figures suggest that this model might just be working. Ethiopia’s GDP is growing at about 10.4%. Over the past decade, the country has registered statistically significant growth in the welfare, education and health categories of the Ibrahim Index of African Governance. But can we trust these figures?
A recent example from Rwanda, where free press is also non-existent, is instructive. On 15 January, David Himbara, a former economic adviser to President Paul Kagame, explained why he quit his job in an op-ed for Quartz.
“I resigned not only because he was tyrannising the nation, but also because he asked me to tamper with the truth about the economy,” he said.
In the absence of a free press, or a free civil society, this data goes unchallenged
Himbara argues that the apparent successes of Rwanda’s model for economic growth are illusory, and based on poor or deliberately misleading data. But in the absence of a free press, or a free civil society, this data goes unchallenged, and the Rwandan model is hailed as a success and eyed by other African leaders (especially those with an authoritarian streak) as a role model for their own countries.
So too with Ethiopia: without anyone to tell us otherwise, Ethiopia’s development approach looks like it is working, even if it’s not. In the absence of any kind of independent information we cannot gauge its effectiveness.
That’s why the absence of independent media in Ethiopia affects us all. Without the beady eye of a free press observing Addis Ababa, we really have no idea what deals our leaders are making at the AU, or why they are making them; and we run a real risk that the Ethiopian story will become the African story, without any real idea if that story is fact or fiction.
Source: The Guardian

Thursday, January 22, 2015

Ethiopia: Media Being Decimated


Legal, Policy Reforms Crucial Prior to May Elections

ethiopia0115_reportcoverJanuary 22, 2015, Nairobi (Human Rights Watch) – The Ethiopian government’s systematic repression of independent media has created a bleak landscape for free expression ahead of the May 2015 general elections, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. In the past year, six privately owned publications closed after government harassment; at least 22 journalists, bloggers, and publishers were criminally charged, and more than 30 journalists fled the country in fear of being arrested under repressive laws.
The 76-page report, “‘Journalism is Not a Crime’: Violations of Media Freedom in Ethiopia,” details how the Ethiopian government has curtailed independent reporting since 2010. Human Rights Watch interviewed more than 70 current and exiled journalists between May 2013 and December 2014, and found patterns of government abuses against journalists that resulted in 19 being imprisoned for exercising their right to free expression, and that have forced at least 60 others into exile since 2010.
Ethiopia’s government has systematically assaulted the country’s independent voices, treating the media as a threat rather than a valued source of information and analysis,” said Leslie Lefkow, deputy Africa director. “Ethiopia’s media should be playing a crucial role in the May elections, but instead many journalists fear that their next article could get them thrown in jail.”
Most of Ethiopia’s print, television, and radio outlets are state-controlled, and the few private print media often self-censor their coverage of politically sensitive issues for fear of being shut down.
The six independent print publications that closed in 2014 did so after a lengthy campaign of intimidation that included documentaries on state-run television that alleged the publications were linked to terrorist groups. The intimidation also included harassment and threats against staff, pressure on printers and distributors, regulatory delays, and eventually criminal charges against the editors. Dozens of staff members went into exile. Three of the owners were convicted under the criminal code and sentenced in absentia to more than three years in prison. The evidence the prosecution presented against them consisted of articles that criticized government policies.
While the plight of a few high-profile Ethiopian journalists has become widely known, dozens more in Addis Ababa and in rural regions have suffered systematic abuses at the hands of security officials.
The threats against journalists often take a similar course. Journalists who publish a critical article might receive threatening telephone calls, text messages, and visits from security officials and ruling party cadres. Some said they received hundreds of these threats. If this does not silence them or intimidate them into self-censorship, then the threats intensify and arrests often follow. The courts have shown little or no independence in criminal cases against journalists who have been convicted after unfair trials and sentenced to lengthy prison terms, often on terrorism-related charges.
“Muzzling independent voices through trumped-up criminal charges and harassment is making Ethiopia one of the world’s biggest jailers of journalists,” Lefkow said. “The government should immediately release those wrongly imprisoned and reform laws to protect media freedom.”
Most radio and television stations in Ethiopia are government-affiliated, rarely stray from the government position, and tend to promote government policies and tout development successes. Control of radio is crucial politically given that more than 80 percent of Ethiopia’s population lives in rural areas, where the radio is still the main medium for news and information. The few private radio stations that cover political events are subjected to editing and approval requirements by local government officials. Broadcasters who deviate from approved content have been harassed, detained, and in many cases forced into exile.
The government has also frequently jammed broadcasts and blocked the websites of foreign and diaspora-based radio and television stations. Staff working for broadcasters face repeated threats and harassment, as well as intimidation of their sources or people interviewed on international media outlets. Even people watching or listening to these services have been arrested.
The government has also used a variety of more subtle but effective administrative and regulatory restrictions such as hampering efforts to form journalist associations, delaying permits and renewals of private publications, putting pressure on the few printing presses and distributors, and linking employment in state media to ruling party membership.
Social media are also heavily restricted, and many blog sites and websites run by Ethiopians in the diaspora areblocked inside Ethiopia. In April, the authorities arrested six people from Zone 9, a blogging collective that provides commentary on social, political, and other events of interest to young Ethiopians, and charged them under the country’s counterterrorism law and criminal code. Their trial, along with other media figures, has been fraught with various due process concerns. On January 14, 2015, it was adjourned for the 16th time and they have now been jailed for over 260 days. The arrest and prosecution of the Zone 9 bloggers has had a wider chilling effect on freedom of expression in Ethiopia, especially among critically minded bloggers and online activists.
The increased media repression will clearly affect the media landscape for the May elections,.
“The government still has time to make significant reforms that would improve media freedoms before the May elections,” Lefkow said. “Amending oppressive laws and freeing jailed journalists do not require significant time or resources, but only the political will for reform.”

Wednesday, January 21, 2015

H&M cuts cotton ties with Omo Valley of Ethiopia


Seoul_South-Korea_lowJanuary 21, 2015, WAKEFIELD (ECOTEXTILE) – H&M has become the second major retail brand to tell Ecotextile News that it will not be using anyTV4 exposed Al Amoudi and H&M cotton in its clothing which has been sourced from the Omo Valley in Ethiopia. H&M’s announcement follows closely on the back of Tchibo’s statement last week in which the German company said that Ethiopian Cotton Made in Africa will now be its only source of Ethiopian cotton in its products due to concerns about cotton projects in the Omo Valley. Ayka Investment, the Turkish business heavily involved in the Ethiopian textile industry, is now withdrawing its investment in cotton production in the Lower Omo Valley on the advice Tchibo.
H&M told Ecotextile News: “H&M does not accept land grabbing. It is a violation of human rights and in conflict with United Nations principles as well as our own human rights policy. Due to this, we have required our suppliers to ensure that our products do not consist of cotton from the Ethiopian region Omo Valley, where there is an increased risk of agricultural land having been subjected to land grabbing. We have had a close dialogue with our suppliers in Ethiopia and all our suppliers have signed a written commitment to not use any cotton from Omo Valley. We are continuously monitoring the orders to ensure that these commitments are fulfilled.
Source: ECOTEXTILE

Tuesday, January 20, 2015

France: Migrants, Asylum Seekers Abused and Destitute

hrwJanuary 20, 2015, Paris (HRW) – Asylum seekers and migrants living in destitution in the port city of Calais experience harassment and abuse at the hands of French police, Human Rights Watch said today. The abuses described to Human Rights Watch include beatings and attacks with pepper spray as the migrants and asylum seekers walked in the street or hid in trucks in the hope of traveling to the United Kingdom.
Several thousand asylum seekers and migrants, most from Sudan, Eritrea, and Ethiopia, are living in makeshift camps or in the streets in Calais. Some said that their treatment by police, a lack of housing for asylum seekers, and delays in the French asylum system had deterred them from seeking asylum inFrance.
“Asylum seekers and migrants shouldn’t have to face police violence in France, and no one who applies for asylum should be left to live in the street,” said Izza Leghtas, Western Europe researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Providing adequate reception conditions and humane treatment for asylum seekers isn’t only a matter of meeting legal obligations, it is also the right thing to do to help end the limbo for many asylum seekers in Calais.”
In November and December 2014, Human Rights Watch spoke with 44 asylum seekers and migrants in Calais, including 3 children. Most interviews were conducted in groups. The migrants and asylum seekers described what appear to be routine abuses by police officers when they tried to hide in trucks or as they walked in the town.
Nineteen, including two of the children, said police had abused them at least once, including beatings. Eight had visible broken limbs or other injuries, which they alleged were caused by police in Calais and surrounding areas. Twenty one, including two children, said police had sprayed them with pepper spray.
In November, the outgoing local police chief, speaking to reporters, denied allegations of abuse. In a meeting with Human Rights Watch on December 16, officials in the interior minister’s office said they were unaware of reports of police violence against migrants and asylum seekers in Calais but would investigate if allegations were based on “precise facts.” On January 14, the prefect of the Pas-de-Calais department denied any unjustified use of force by police against migrants in Calais.
France faces a crisis of inadequate accommodation for asylum seekers. Currently only a third of those who seek asylum across France are provided with accommodation in reception centers for asylum seekers. As of December 2013, 15,000 asylum seekers were on a waiting list for a place in a reception center and fewer than a third of asylum seekers entitled to accommodation were housed in such centers. The average waiting period was 12 months. A bill before parliament aims to speed up asylum procedures and increase available accommodation in reception centers for asylum seekers across the country.
While there have been asylum seekers and migrants in Calais for over a decade, due to its proximity to the UK by rail and sea, the numbers have sharply risen since the spring of 2014. On January 14, Denis Robin, the prefect of the Pas-de-Calais department, told Human Rights Watch there were about 2,300 asylum seekers and migrants in the Calais area. As of mid-December, local nongovernmental organizations estimated that 200 women and young children were living in camps and that 50 women and young children were in a center run by a local organization.
Most migrants and asylum seekers in Calais have no shelter from the cold and the rain, no access to sanitation, and very limited access to running water. Many depend on food provided by local organizations and volunteers.
The response of the French government to the poor living conditions in Calais has been inadequate and slow, though. The interior minister announced in November that a day center would be made available to provide showers, meals, and legal assistance for 1,500 asylum seekers and migrants by January. But as of January 15, only limited facilities were available on the site until April. Overnight accommodation will not be available until March and will be limited to 100 women and young children.
The government is funding an organization to run a warehouse in Calais in which migrants can sleep for the night, which must open when the temperature is minus 5 degrees Celsius (23 degrees Fahrenheit) or less. The authorities have discretion to keep the shelter open even when the temperature is above minus 5 degrees Celsius. The warehouse opened on December 26 and closed on January 2, and reopened on January 14 because of high winds in the region. On January 5, the organization that runs the warehouse informed Human Rights Watch that it had a maximum capacity of 500 places, one third of the 1,500 places promised by the government. Denis Robin told Human Rights Watch that if necessary the capacity could be increased to the 1,500 places promised by the government, but renovation works would be necessary. A similar facility was available in previous years, but with a capacity limited to 120 places.
French government officials informed Human Rights Watch in December and January that steps had been taken to register and process asylum claims promptly. They said that asylum applications had significantly increased in 2014, that 422 places in reception centers had been offered to asylum applicants from Calais, and that 500 additional places had been made available in reception centers outside Calais to accommodate those who claim asylum in Calais, although it is unclear how those places will be allocated and when they will all become available.
While these steps are an improvement, the situation remains dire for many migrants and asylum seekers and the new facilities are very basic. The French government needs to intensify its efforts to ensure that all asylum seekers—including those covered by the Dublin Regulation—are provided with accommodation without delay as EU law requires, Human Rights Watch said. The government should consider making the emergency shelter available independently of the temperature, and ensure there are sufficient places for all undocumented migrants who are sleeping in the open.
The French government should also immediately investigate reports of police abuse against asylum seekers and migrants in Calais and hold anyone found responsible for abuse to account. The government should issue clear guidance to police officers clarifying the prohibition of unjustified and disproportionate use of force, including pepper spray.
“The French government should put a stop to any police abuse and honor its commitment to promptly provide housing to asylum seekers,” Leghtas said. “A lasting solution to the crisis in Calais is long overdue.”
Migrants and Asylum Seekers in Calais
Asylum seekers and migrants have been living in makeshift camps and on the street in the Calais area since the French government closed a center run by the Red Cross in Sangatte, near Calais, in 2002. The center had a capacity of 700 people, but accommodated up to 2,000 and was labeled by the French and UK governments as a pull factor for undocumented migrants seeking to enter the UK.
Hundreds were evicted by the authorities in September 2009. The number of asylum seekers and migrants then decreased to about 200, but in the summer of 2014, numbers increased again, with people fleeing from conflict and repression in Sudan, Syria, Eritrea, and Ethiopia. Hundreds were evicted from makeshift camps in Calais in May and July 2014, in most cases without any adequate alternative accommodation being provided.
Most asylum seekers and migrants Human Rights Watch interviewed said they had arrived in Europe through Italy, but that they did not stay there due to poor reception conditions.
The EU’s Dublin Regulation allows EU countries to send asylum seekers back to the first EU country they entered, where they are identified by their fingerprints in an EU-wide database. Many asylum seekers in Calais told Human Rights Watch they avoided providing their fingerprints in Italy or France.
An asylum seeker’s preference for seeking protection in one country over another has no bearing on the validity of their asylum claim.
Reports of Police Abuse
Rosa, 25, who said she was from Eritrea, told Human Rights Watch that on November 14, police officers beat her up when they found her in a truck on the highway. As with others interviewed, she is identified only by her first name, for her protection. The first names of some interviewees were changed at their request.
“The police checked the truck and found me,” she said. “I said, ‘Please help me,’ but they beat me and I collapsed outside the truck. They kicked me on the ground.” Rosa said she lost consciousness and woke up in the hospital’s emergency room. When Human Rights Watch interviewed her on November 25 in a Calais hospital where she had had an operation on her right leg, she said she expected to spend six more weeks in the hospital. Human Rights Watch was unable to verify the cause of her injury.
Salamou, 28, from Eritrea, said that three police officers beat him near a gas station on the evening of November 25.
“I was walking, normal,” he said. “Four policemen got out of their van and beat me with their boots and with a baton. After they beat me a policeman put a torch on me and laughed at me. ‘Just help me,’ I said, but he laughed. They kicked me on the ground, just like a dog.” When Human Rights Watch interviewed Salamou, the day after he said he was beaten by police, he had visible injuries on his nose.
“There are good police and bad police,” said Ahmed Ibrahim, a 17-year-old asylum seeker from Sudan living in a makeshift camp in Calais. He told Human Rights Watch that two policemen had kicked him as he emerged from an empty car, where he and three men were sitting for shelter from the rain. “I wanted to claim asylum here but with this violence, I’d rather they send me back to Sudan. I won’t stay in France. They [the police] hit you, people throw eggs at you. I got a bad image of France.”
Mohammad, 32, from Sudan, said he was walking in the street at midday on November 2 when a police officer beat him on the back with a baton. “I ran and I fell into a hole,” he said. “The police called an ambulance. I spent 20 days in the hospital, my arm was broken in three places.” He had a cast on his arm at the time of the interview.
On December 3, “Aziz,” a 29-year-old from Afghanistan, said police officers had beaten him three days earlier.
“I was in the street using Wi-Fi on my phone at about 11 p.m.,” he said. “When they [police officers] came, I started to run, they pushed me down to the ground… One policeman pushed me, I was down on the ground, they sprayed me [with pepper spray] and when I looked back they beat me. There was blood from my face, under my eye and nose and knee. I didn’t see anything because they first sprayed me then they beat me on my legs, all over my body.” A Human Rights Watch researcher saw traces of injuries on Aziz’s face, and holes in his pants’ knees, which he said were from being pushed and beaten on the ground.
Aziz said police officers had also beaten him 20 days earlier when they found him hiding in a truck on the highway. “They beat me with their hands, punched me on my face, my nose was bleeding. [They beat me] with a stick on my body, then they took me out from the lorry and said ‘Go! Go to the jungle!’” The jungle is a reference to the largest of the makeshift camps where the asylum seekers take shelter.
On November 26, Kader, a 24-year-old from Ethiopia, told Human Rights Watch in the emergency waiting room at a Calais hospital: “I was on the road, on my bike, yesterday at 5 p.m. A white police van with a blue line [which corresponds to the description of a van belonging to the French riot police] stopped. Five policemen got out, one of them pushed me on the shoulder and I fell on my right arm. He kicked me, then sprayed my face.” When a Human Rights Watch researcher met Kader a week later, his arm was in a resin cast and in a sling, fashioned from a scarf.
The French authorities claim that pepper spray is only used to deter large groups from climbing onto trucks. But migrants said it was used in other situations as well. Mohammad, 26, from Sudan, said: “They [the police] spray you like you’re an insect. It’s happened to all of us in the street.”
Souhail, 20, from Iran, said: “Three times police sprayed me when I was in the truck. I was alone. The three times were about a month ago. Police officers opened the door and before saying anything they sprayed my face, I couldn’t see anything and twice they punched me with their boots and hands.”
Lina, 25, from Eritrea, said she had fallen off the steep edge of the highway near the largest camp in Calais when police officers sprayed her face as she tried to get into a truck with a group. “We wanted to go in [the truck], the police came, they said ‘Go! Go!’ and sprayed in my eyes, I fell down,” she said.
In a media interview on November 30, Thierry Alonso, the outgoing director of public safety for the Pas-de-Calais department and chief of police in the Calais area, denied any abuse by law enforcement officials against migrants. He claimed that “whatever the accusations against the police and gendarmes” working under his authority, “everything that can be said is unfounded. There have been no injured and there has been no violence against the migrants.”
In a meeting with Human Rights Watch on December 16, the interior minister’s adviser on policing said that “No police violence is tolerated” and that, while he was not aware of reports of police abuse against migrants and asylum seekers in Calais, any allegations based on precise facts would be investigated.
On January 14, Denis Robin, the prefect of the Pas-de-Calais department, told Human Rights Watch that while there were injured migrants in Calais, their injuries were sustained during attempts to cross over to the UK or inflicted by other migrants. He denied that any were due to excessive and unjustified use of force by police.
Excessive and unjustified use of force by police is prohibited under French criminal law, and a violation of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), both of which France is a party to. Under the United Nations (UN) Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials, law enforcement officials, in carrying out their duty, may use force “only if other means remain ineffective or without any promise of achieving the intended result.” If the lawful use of force is unavoidable, law enforcement officials must exercise restraint and not use any more force than is proportionate to achieve a legitimate objective such as protecting personal safety.
Inadequate Living Conditions
Lack of Shelter, Water, and Sanitation
In November and December, Human Rights Watch visited four makeshift camps in Calais and a group of asylum seekers living in the street. Hundreds of people, including women and very young children, were sleeping in tents, on mattresses outside, with little or no shelter from the cold. During Human Rights Watch’s visit, temperatures were as low as 1 degree Celsius [34 degree Fahrenheit] during the day.
None of the camps have sanitation and access to water is limited. People collect water from the nearest water source. One camp has a water source, but people in the other places had to walk between 300 meters and 2 kilometers to find water.
Local groups estimate that 800 to 900 people live in the largest camp, consisting of two sites near each other referred to locally as “the jungle.” One is on the site of a chemical plant and includes an indoor sports hall where more than 100 people sleep in tents or on the floor. The other site is in a wood nearby. Local groups estimate that 200 women and children, including small children, live in those two camps.
Until a day center partially opened on January 15, local charities provided one daily meal to around 700 asylum seekers and migrants in the city center. For many, it is their only meal of the day and they have to walk there and then wait in line in the cold to receive the food. The new center is 9 kilometers (5.5 miles) away from one of the large makeshift camps in Calais. The mayor of Calais has banned the distribution of meals in places other than the new center, though one of the charities said they would provide meals to people living in that camp twice per week.
The most common concerns cited by people living in the camps were the cold and the lack of access to sanitation. The humanitarian organization Médecins du Monde (Doctors of the World) provides showers once a week in two camps and to women and children living in the largest camp, with a capacity of 20 to 25 showers per visit.
Zeinab, a 23-year-old woman from Ethiopia living with her husband in the largest camp, told Human Rights Watch that she washes outside with a plastic sheet around her. “More than food, not having a bathroom is a bigger problem,” she said.
Isabelle Bruand, coordinator for Médecins du Monde in the Nord-Pas-de-Calais region, described the living conditions for asylum seekers and migrants in Calais as “unacceptable and catastrophic.” Bruand listed skin problems such as scabies, stomach aches and headaches due to insufficient food, breathing problems due to humidity, back problems and toothaches as direct or indirect consequences of these living conditions.
Unwillingness to Apply for Asylum in France
The majority of those Human Rights Watch interviewed said they wanted to apply for asylum, but many said they did not do so in France because of a lack of accommodation for asylum seekers, as well as police abuse and hostility from some sections of the local population. Some also mentioned the length of the asylum procedure as a deterrent.
The ordinary asylum application procedure in France takes over two years. The bill before parliament aims to reduce this period to nine months.
Abdallah, 21, from Sudan, told Human Rights Watch on December 3 that he had been living in the largest makeshift camp in Calais for four months.
“I have friends who gave their fingerprints four months ago and they’re living with us in the ‘jungle.’ So I’d rather try and go to the UK,” he said. “Life is very, very hard. There are problems with everything: the bathroom, one meal a day is provided by [the local charity] Salam, sometimes we get help from people here and we’re thankful but it’s not what we expected.”
“People who gave their fingerprints [in France] are staying here with us,” said Nasr-Eddin, a 30 year-old from Sudan living in a camp in Calais. “I would apply for asylum but the problem is accommodation, the cold, food.”
“Ashraf,” a 25 year old asylum seeker from Sudan also living in a camp, said: “We don’t have a place to wash, to pray. France is good but it [the asylum process] takes time. Where do you sleep, eat? I would apply for asylum in France but there’s no place to stay.”
Mohammad Moussa, a 27-year-old asylum seeker from Sudan living in a camp in Calais, said: “People know life in the UK is hard and expensive. France is much better. But here you’re under the rain, in the cold, you get sick. In the UK, I’ll get accommodation and the asylum process will be quicker.”
Salamou, the Eritrean man beaten by police, said he had planned to apply for asylum in France, but that after he was beaten by police he changed his mind and was trying to go to the UK.
Inadequate Response from the French Government
In November, Interior Minister Bernard Cazeneuve made an announcement about the opening of a day center—where meals will be provided outside—for 1,500 asylum seekers and migrants in Calais, saying it would open in January. But only limited facilities—food, water, toilets, and mobile phone charging—were available on the site as of January 15. The complete site with 60 showers and access to legal assistance will not open until April. The site will include separate shelters, with 20 showers, to accommodate 100 women and young children full time, although this facility will not open until March 20. According to the Prefect and to an advisor at the Ministry of Housing this facility could potentially be expanded to accommodate more vulnerable persons if needed. Men will continue to be without shelter during the night.
Under article 13 of the European Union directive of January 27, 2003, laying down minimum standards for the reception of asylum seekers (the reception directive), EU member states must provide “material reception conditions to ensure a standard of living adequate for the health of applicants and capable of ensuring their subsistence.”
Under French law, asylum seekers are entitled to accommodation in a state reception center (centre d’accueil pour les demandeurs d’asile, CADA), where they also receive social and administrative support while their asylum claim is processed.
Parliament in November approved 500 more places in reception centers in various parts of France to accommodate asylum seekers from Calais.
On December 3, the prefect—government representative—in the Nord-Pas-de-Calais region announced that a warehouse would be made available for up to 1,500 migrants in Calais on nights when the temperature is minus 5 degrees Celsius (23 degrees Fahrenheit) or less. The warehouse opened on December 26 but it was closed on January 2 when the temperature rose. It reopened on January 14 because of high winds in the Calais region. The organization which runs the warehouse told Human Rights Watch on January 5 that it has a maximum capacity of 500 places.
The French government should comply with its obligations under the EU reception directive and immediately provide accommodation to all asylum applicants while their claims are processed, including those who indicate an intention to seek asylum. The government should also work with humanitarian and nongovernmental groups to help arrange emergency accommodation for any undocumented migrant without shelter in Calais, particularly during the winter months.