IYYA BILISUMMAA!

February 14, 2016 Articles, Oromia

By Duresso Maati

Ambo yesterday January 7, 2016. Youth marched through the city after Qille.

The topic is borrowed from a conversation with a friend who drew a comparison between “Iyya Bokkaa” – the traditional Oromo prayer ritual in times of extended drought – and the current collective tribulation the nation is facing under the reign of terror unleashed by the TPLF minority regime.

This article was meant to be released some three weeks ago but was delayed due to unforeseen circumstances.

1. Resistance movement in Oromia (hereafter “the movement”) is commonly attributed to a widely shared Oromo outrage against the notorious “Addis Ababa Master Plan” [hereafter “the plan”]. However, the fundamental issues being raised quickly evolved into demands larger in scope and deeper in content than “the plan” that triggered it. It is more of an eruption of a major volcano that had been gathering momentum for over a century under successive Abyssinian regimes. The gathering storm eluded the Oromo political groups who appear to have failed to detect the under current warning signals and, in the aftermath of the eruption, seem to scramble to grasp and cope up with it. Sadly, it is a repeat of the same situation back in 2014 students protest.Every major crisis in a given society exposes the hidden nature of the inner political dynamics and rocks the foundation upon which the pillars of political power rests. One such pillar upon which TPLF power rests is the cleverly designed and tightly controlled surrogate ethnic-based puppet organizations in all regions outside of Tigrai. The primary motive behind the invention of XPDO’s- which originally consisted of ex-prisoners of war and carrier opportunist elements-, was to facilitate the implementation of TPLF policies in the respective regions. Besides, they are meant to mask TPLF hegemony by creating the false impression that the government is a voluntary coalition among equals with the noble intent of reflecting the “unity in diversity” in the country. Thus XPDO’s are not authentic representatives of their constituencies whose authorities derive from the will of the respective peoples but are powerless and voiceless entities planted by TPLF minority to implement orders. OPDO is one such puppet arm used by the TPLF occupation force to lord over the Oromo and perpetually plunder its resources. It is well known that there are other hungry wolves out there that are eager to devour what is left of TPLF lootings, and impose a new round of tyranny when this regime is defeated and recoils to its shell in Mekele. The Oromo battle cry of the day is not to beg super powers to mediate for reforms by the regime on power to ease its iron grips, but to dismantle the entire Abyssinian colonial yoke. The movement is not about appeals for mercy, but is a resolute commitment to assert its rights as a nation and its dignity as a people. For any Oromo to aim towards anything less is tantamount to surrendering to perpetual slavery and is a betrayal to those who laid down their precious lives as a price for Oromo freedom and dignity.

2. Brief assessments:  The peaceful demonstrations that spread like a wild fire across Oromia are being met with brutal savagery by the agazi TPLF elite force and their cohorts. Documented deaths of students and Oromos of all ages and of all walks of life stand at about 200 and the number is rising by the days. This is a conservative estimate as it doesn’t include undercover TPLF led operations in rural and urban areas by hit men targeting suspected opposition elements. There are gruesome accounts of unidentifiable corpses dumped in rivers, of bodies discovered in shallow graves, of dead victims thrown in the streets and of scores of human remains dangling on ropes across Oromia. There are also reports of remains partially devoured by wild animals discovered in forests and under bushes.It is hard to tabulate how many died in their homes after brutal beatings and bullet wounds sustained on demonstrations. The number of unarmed and peaceful Oromo demonstrators beaten and humiliated in their own ancestral lands by agents of the occupation force and their cronies is hard to tell but surely runs into the tens of thousands. Those detained are estimated at well over 30 thousand across Oromia excluding massive “disappearances”. Brutal tortures are daily occurrences in countless prisons and detention centers. All these atrocities are perpetrated not by a foreign invading army but by the very government forces expected to protect its citizens from foreign invaders. It is a classical example of naked state terrorism.

3. MAJOR LESSONS FROM THE MOVEMENT:
   1. TPLF Vulnerability: One of the major consequences of the movement is that it exposed the vulnerability of the TPLF regime to organized challenge. TPLF suffers from an ignorant delusion that it is invincible. It is under the spell of a dangerous self deceit that no force strong enough to challenge its grips on power will ever emerge. The seemingly docile responses from the Oromo and other southern peoples to the regime’s aggressive policies and organized economic plunders re-enforced its already inflated self-esteem. The human dignity and worth of non-Tigrians quickly paled in comparison with Tigrians who “are made of gold” as ex-dictator Meles publicly declared with unmistakable pride. The manners in which Oromo and other peoples “representatives” in “parliament” were treated by Meles, his threat that “the majority can be reduced to a minority”, Abay Tsehaye’s vow that “the Plan shall be implemented whether the Oromo likes it or not”, and even the very attempt to encroach upon Oromo rights and dignity by way of legislating “the A.A. Master Plan” in itself are some of the manifestations of the undisguised contempt TPLF harbors for the Oromo and others.In response to a question raised on a TPLF meeting in Mekele pertaining to any prospect of Oromo rebellion against the regime, one of the TPLF leaders reportedly assured the participants that there is no worry about Oromo uprising because the Oromo is too divided and so busy tearing each other up that they pose no threat of uniting against the regime in any foreseeable future. He confidently predicted that it will take the Oromo at least 100 years to unite and challenge TPLF.The Oromo students’ movement and the national upheaval that ensued erupted in less than 100 days from the night TPLF cadres exchanged hugs upon the revelation that it would take Oromo 100 years to unite!Thus, the movement defied TPLF conceptions about the Oromo and caught the regime off-guard. The heavy handed TPLF responses to unarmed demonstrations are more of a reflection of hysteria and cowardice than a legitimate effort to safeguard peace and order. Thus, the movement pinched the over inflated balloon of TPLF self esteem and exposed the regimes vulnerability to organized resistance. Besides, it effectively tarnished the false image TPLF created in the West through its lobbyists depicting it as a democratic regime achieving double-digit economic development. The movement shall deservedly be remembered in history as marking the beginning of the end of tyranny under TPLF regime.
   2. THE MOVEMENT EXPOSED THE CHRONIC OROMO ORGANIZATIONAL WEAKNESS. The last two rounds of Oromo youth uprisings abundantly demonstrated that all Oromo political groups posing under numerous names and waving different banners miserably failed to live up to the people’s expectations. Their current role is, at best, reduced to the status of bewildered spectators at a time when one of the most significant Oromo movements in its recent history is unfolding. They, no doubt, lag too far behind the home-bred movement. Under normal circumstances, liberation movements mobilize followers and lead the struggle as a potent vanguard force. In Oromia, it appears the cart is ahead of the beast dragging old and disoriented horses. If progress in Oromo national movement is earnestly desired, the era of empty hopes and shameless deceits must end and the lamentably chronic deficiency in political leadership needs to be addressed in the quickest possible time
   3. OROMO HEROISM: The courage the Oromo collectively demonstrates in confronting the most ruthless and a lawless regime unarmed with such extra ordinary resilience is a commendable show of heroism any Oromo is proud of. This effectively shattered the old myth its foes love to propagate: .. that the Oromo inherently lacks the courage and the unity it takes to independently wage a meaningful struggle. It now is for everyone to see that it actually can.
   4. RENAISSANCE IN DIASPORA: The movement galvanized solidarity among the Oromo in Diaspora and enhanced unity to hitherto unprecedented high levels. There hasn’t been a time in recent memory wherein an Oromo took a special pride in being an Oromo and gladly went extra miles to do what s/he can do to support and advance the movement.
      The on-going movement across the globe has not only unmasked the true identity of the TPLF regime but also has forced the international community to pay more attention to the plight of the Oromo nation. Oromo community associations, media outlets, NGO’s, face book co-coordinators/participants, singers/song writers, Oromo religious groups, analysts, and activists deserve the respect and admiration of all concerned for the priceless efforts they put into the support of the movement. No doubt, the home-front movement is encouraged by and appreciative of the supports.
   5. ENHANCED OROMO VISIBILITY ON GLOBAL SCALE: The combined home-front and Diaspora movements helped to draw the attention of the world community to the Oromo as a nation and Oromia as a distinct region. It enabled the world community to pay attention to the plights of the Oromo as a nation. It is thrilling to note Oromo/Oromia being a subject of discussion and engaging world powers as the consequence of the movement. I believe the movement has enabled Oromo recognition and visibility in three months than was done in the last few decades combined. This, in itself, is a remarkable achievement.
   6. CIVILITY: what is equally remarkable is the demonstrators’ strict and constant adherence to high quality discipline and civility across Oromia. There is no report of targeted innocent civilians or of material destruction in the process of the demonstrations. By its strict adherence to the rules of “Peaceful resistance”, the Oromo demonstrated its moral superiority over its tormentors. By doing that, the Oromo also effectively and wisely denied the regime a justification for its excessive and ugly responses.
   7. CORNERED OPDO: The movement pinned down OPDO in a difficult corner. As a surrogate entity invented by TPLF to carry out its agenda, OPDO has never enjoyed credibility or acceptance among the Oromo. The movement pushed OPDO’s already low esteem to a record low in the eyes of the Oromo public. On the other hand, OPDO lost the trust of its TPLF masters in the course of the movement. The humiliating disdain it earned from the Oromo and it’s lose of trust from its masters left OPDO hanging in the air. Consequently, there are indications that conflicts in opinion is emerging among the rank and files of the group. Some elements are cautiously drifting towards the movement. Thus, one impact of the movement is that it created an unbridgeable rift between TPLF and OPDO and a discord within OPDO itself.
   8. BROKE BARRIERS AMONG THE OROMO: The movement transcended the perceived divides based on political outlooks, region or religion among the Oromo and rallied the nation under one banner. The important lesson that can be drawn from this is that divisions among the Oromo tend to flourish when serious engagements on a common cause is lacking or diminished and shrinks or evaporates when the spirit of Oromummaa is in high gears. There are two main divisive issues among the Oromo: one is on the strategic goal of the movement and the other is on the tactical approach. One camp believes Oromo liberation can be achieved by democratizing Ethiopian system of governance to ensure equality among the nations and creating a democratic order wherein all peoples of Ethiopia live and prosper under one flag [“\Ethiopiansts”]. The other camp contends the Oromo question is essentially a colonial question and true liberation can be attained only by establishing an independent Democratic Republic of Oromia. Details on the arguments from both camps are beyond the scope of this article. The other discord is on the form the struggle needs to take. One camp believes fundamental change can be achieved through peaceful struggle and the opposing camp argues peaceful struggle is impossible under an Abyssinian regime and the only sure way to freedom is by way of armed struggle. If a survey were to be conducted to-day, my hunch is that the “Ethiopiansts” may have a numerical advantage and those for armed struggle could be an overwhelming majority. However, this doesn’t mean that those who aspire for independence have erred or are irrelevant. Nor does it imply that the “Ethiopiansts” are destined to win the battle. We know more than anyone else that number is not always the decisive factor on outcomes. It is not what you sit and dream but what you DO that will ultimately prevail. Thus, a temporarily uniting platform could be for both the Ethiopiansts and independence groups to agree to struggle for Oromo self determination and leave the final verdict to the people themselves.
   9. NEW LEVEL OF RESPECT FROM ETHIOPIANS? The movement infused new respect for the Oromo from Ethiopians. It is not an unintended coincidence that ESAT launches programs in Oromo language long after the movement was in motion. Nor is TPLF considering nullifying the poisonous Plan Abay vowed to implement at all costs out of change of heart. A new attitude is in the making.
   10. “UNITY IS POWER!” The movement demonstrated that unity, indeed, is power. The unprecedented new unity witnessed back home is partly attributed to an angry response by Oromo youth to the miserable failure of groups in Diaspora dominated by the older generation to break out of the crippling quagmires and move the struggle forward. Jawar reflected on it as a shift from conventional top<->bottom leadership to “horizontal” organizational structure. I would stretch it a little and call it a paradigm shift from the unfulfilled hope pinned on wavering “fronts” based abroad to a focused and resolute home-grown movement. It may be noted in passing that horizontal movements may be effective for issue-focused short-ran upheavals wherein a significant proportion of a given society is gripped with row anger at those on power over an ill-advised policy and spontaneously rise up in outrage/Morocco/. The real danger with it is that it tends to lose steam over time and eventually wither away mainly due to lack of a “chain of command” and “fatigue”. As to the evident shift in the center of the struggle, there is a widely shared hope that the twist in the center of the movement shall defuse the bickering abroad and provide a new basis for a fresh start in fresh spirits with sole focus on the advancement of the legitimate cause of the struggle. How far away Oromo freedom is depends not on the good will of those on power or the benevolence of the powers temporarily behind them but on how soon the Oromo builds a sustainable organization to march forward in unison to do away with tyranny and decide its own destiny.

4. WHAT NEXT??? WHAT NEEDS TO BE DONE?? 
   The following humble suggestions could be helpful if acted upon as soon as possible.
   1. GLOBAL COMMUNITY ASSOCIATION: The home-front movement needs all-round support from Oromo in Diaspora to survive the enemy assault. Oromo community associations have played a vital role in organizing and leading support efforts and played a vital role as a voice to the voiceless. This role can leap in magnitude if associations unite under one global umbrella. With this in view, it is highly advisable if local associations form a state-wide unions as the first step and move on to inter-state or continental unions. The continental unions can get together and form the Global Oromo Communities Union (GOCU) which will be a vital body responsible for the coordination of major activities both in times of relative peace and during emergency crisis.
   2. URGENT OROMO NATIONAL CONFERENCE: Vigils and demonstrations are important but they are not the ultimate solution to the complex situation the nation finds itself in. the ongoing revolutionary spirit should not be allowed to die out after all these sacrifices. It needs tangible and sustained support and a clear road map to step it up to the logical next phase. The Diaspora need to shoulder the responsibility of being the foreign arm of the movement.To realize this, an all-encompassing Oromo national conference need to be called to assess the current state of affairs as well as to do some honest soul-searching on the root causes to the evident Oromo organizational weaknesses. The conference may form a steering committee that will assume dual responsibilities of being a mouthpiece to the movement abroad and exploring what needs to be done about the crippling organizational deficiency. Other ad hoc committees to coordinate fund raising and centralizing flows of aid funds to the needy victims, public relations, networking, and other duties as deemed essential may also be mandated by the conference. Creative initiatives are urgently needed as to how to organize, finance, and coordinate the conference.
   3. DISCUSION FORUM: There is a dire need for a secure and exclusive cyber forum accessible to formally admitted Oromo activists. Participation may be granted upon direct request and when endorsed by two admitted members in order to reduce infiltrations by agents.
   4. EXPELLED STUDENTS: One overlooked major issue pertains to university and high school students who are expelled in mass due to their involvement in the two-round protests. An estimated 350 Oromo students are believed to have been expelled from A.A. University alone. Many are barred from education for life. This is an outrageous assault on the future of Oromo nation. The potentials of future doctors, professors, engineers, scientists, leaders etc is cut short by the arbitrary whim of the regime or its henchmen. A friend rightly called it an “academic assassination”. Since the regime admitted the “Plan” was an error, the measures derived from the admitted error need to be corrected. The plight of the expelled students needs to be incorporated into the current formal demands with equal importance as demands for the release of prisoners and other vital concerns. Concerned institutions of learning need to make special arrangements to help them catch up with their peers when they are re-admitted.
   5. DOCUMENTATION: The historic relevance of the movement need to be acknowledged and its thorough documentation needs to be given due attention. This is a phenomenon Oromo future generations and humanity at large should view and learn from. As many of us remember, Jonathan Demblbee’s documentary on famine in Ethiopia spoke much more than volumes of books could. The documentation and archival of the on-going tragedy in Oromia can’t be left to assumptions that somebody is compiling it somewhere. We call upon media professionals to get together and officially volunteer for the task so that all evidences of any magnitude can be forwarded to them to be utilized as a row data. Means of financial and technical support for such a group need to be explored.
   6. BALDER CAMPAIGN: Foreign relations tasks should go beyond descriptions of the atrocities being perpetrated by the regime. It needs to include the logical conclusion from what is transpiring in Oromia that there is no room for peaceful resistance to bring about change. The Oromo is left with no option than waging armed struggle to defend itself from genocide and repression. Bald demands for material and technical assistance need to be expressed whenever appropriate to whoever claims to have vested interest in the future of the region.
   7. FUND RAISING: Fund raising efforts to support the wounded and the displaced are extremely successful so far although some confusions are observed in areas of aid coordination and reliable means of channeling aid to the needy back home. Fund raising project may need to be centralized and the sources need to be diversified as Oromo individuals seem to be over-strained and getting financially exhausted. Other sources of fund raising may range from collecting recyclable items where applicable and periodic car washes to appeals to international organizations, government agencies, civic institutions, NGOs, and corporations for assistance. There are numerous humanitarian agencies who would respond to those in the kind of major crisis we find ourselves in. local communities can explore such resources to support the maimed, the disabled, the displaced, and families of the martyrs. Again, creative ideas are helpful.
   8. MUSLIM MOVEMENT?? One of the most damaging propaganda initiated and vigorously pursued by the dubious ex-TPLF leader Meles is to portray Oromo national movement as a component of international Muslim movement. There are indications that this suspicion, carefully injected by his personal admirers and by lobbyists on TPLF pay role, floats in US leadership circles. This lie needs to be corrected and every opportunity should be utilized to assure those in doubt that about half of the Oromo population is Muslim but the Oromo national struggle has nothing to do with Muslim extremism. In fact, it should be stressed that supporting the just cause of the Oromo movement is an indirect way of curbing the spread of Muslim extremism as one can never predict where desperation may lead people to.
   9. THE SILENT GROUP: Many of us know there are a huge number of gifted Oromo intellectuals who voluntarily excluded themselves from activities in Oromo affairs for valid and not so valid reasons. Many were not pleased with the way the national struggle is handled and gave up in despair. Some were deeply wounded by few foul-mouthed hooligans who love tearing dawn individuals than the ideas their victims portray. They never mess with ideas because they have no ideas of their own. Using such parrots as a means of silencing dissenters is as old as the struggle itself. Some others developed distaste towards individuals and shunned from active participation simply to avoid dealing with those they despise. In short, there is a significant enough talent lying idle that can make huge difference in the movement. We need to persuade these individuals to rejoin the movement and use their talents and experiences for the common good. perhaps they may not wait for persuasions as they, too, understand that to hide in the shadows and watch idly when the nation is in the midst of a bitter battle for survival is not only a mockery on the lives of the dying Oromo youth but also is tantamount to an endorsement of the ongoing tyranny.
   10. THE ENJERA SCANDAL: TPLF exports tens of thousands of buddeena/”ENJERA” at a time when millions are dying of hunger in the country. This is the most heinous crime only TPLF regime is capable of committing. The appalling insensitivity of the TPLF leadership in general and of Meles’s widow in particular need to be exposed to the world at large. Formal demands need to be made to every country ENJERA is being exported to ban the import on humanitarian grounds. Local pressures need to be exerted on those who import and distribute. Campaigns need to be intensified to boycott imported ENJERA as those who collaborate with this business as wholesale distributers or as consumers are guilty of being accomplices to the tragic deaths from famine back home.
   11. TERRORISM LAW: Demands to repeal “Terrorism Law” the regime uses to stifle legitimate political activities and intimidate the public need to be intensified.
   12. ENQUIRY COMMISSION: The quest for the formation of an independent body of enquiry to bring to justice those responsible for the assassinations and other crimes in Oromia need to be pursued with vigor.
   13. THE OPDO FACTOR: OPDO as a surrogate entity is rightfully regarded as a dangerous enemy tool imposed on Oromia. However, to lump ALL OPDO-affiliates as permanent enemies is intellectually flawed and politically unproductive. We can differentiate three types of affiliates. The 1st are the incorrigible few consisting of the top leadership and the non-Oromo elements in the organization who likely have some other political agenda under their arms. Members of this group are die-hard TPLF servants who stop at nothing from defending the status quo. The 2nd group consists of carrier opportunists who join OPDO to share from the spoils than out of conviction. The Oromo elements in this group can be persuaded to join the struggle once they are convinced there, indeed, is a strong alternative movement. The 3rd are those who have no passion for politics or any love for the regime but were pressured by circumstances to formally join OPDO. Their objective could be employment, higher education, scholarship, carrier advancement or simply to have a peace of mind in their daily lives. Those are potential allays if handled wisely. They can easily panic and run into TPLF’s arms if unnecessarily provoked.
   14. VOICE AGAINST PLUNDERS: Al amoudi is the worst blood sucker among the vultures that descended upon Oromia and the southern peoples. According to credible reports, he is the prime cause for the environmental and economic degradations in Guji and genocide in Gambella. He is playing the dual role of enriching the Tigrai oligarchy and impoverishing the local population. The demand to stop this heartless exploiter and seek compensation for the damage incurred on the overall Oromo economic future in general and the native victims in particular need to be included in the agenda of the Oromo movement.
   15. SOLIDARITY AND ALLIANCES: Strong solidarity with the just cause of other oppressed nations and the task to coordinate alliance with movements against the common foe need to be pursued.

5. CONCLUDING REMARKS:
   The current Oromo movement ushers in a new era in the history of the national struggle for freedom and justice. Back in the early 1990s, a clandestine paper alleged to be a copy of confidential intelligence report to a Western government on Oromo national profile was circulating in Shaggar. The report depicted the Oromo, among other things, as a “sleeping lion “unaware of its untapped potentials to play a significant role in the future of the Horn of Africa and beyond. The sleeping Lion just woke up and no trick can get it back to sleep! The Lion has vowed never to rest again until Oromo movement sees the end of tyranny under Abyssinian parasitic hegemony and the legitimate right of the Oromo nation to self determination is practically realized. The Lion roars for a genuine unity based on principles to march together towards its envisioned destiny. The Lion is aware that this true unity begins where deceits and false hopes end.The temptation to hope for an easy short-cut ride to freedom in whatever form is illusionary. An oppressor that fought its way to power will relinquish it only when faced by an equal or better force. To expect a power earned by bullet to end by ballot is a naïve dreamer’s fantasy. Neither the international powers nor the regime on power would heed the whining and laments about “injustice” especially when such tears for sympathy comes from a majority group under the tight grips of the minority.The frequent agonizing question every Oromo faces in Diaspora these days is “how could a nation so small dominate so large multi-ethnic country with such ease??” That is a polite way of asking how the Oromo nation as the largest group {40+ %} occupying the largest area with abundant resources allows itself to be kicked around by a tiny group (7%)?? There, of course, are convenient face-saving reasons and some scapegoats to blame: “European colonial powers enabled Menelik to colonize Oromo and Southern peoples” we murmur with white sweat shinning on our foreheads..and “imperialist forces sustained Abyssinian domination during the cold-war era” ..”Now days, “we continue hoping no further details are requested… “Now days, the western powers back the minority regime to safeguard their own vested interests”. There are elements of truth in all these but there also are some disturbing questions that beg for answers. Could Oromoes have fended off Menelik’s aggression had they united in defense of their father land rather than each sitting and watching its neighbor kin on flames- hoping that the destruction would not reach its door steps? Are such historical facts like the united Arsi resistance which bogged dawn Menelik’s army for years and the Gurra Doobba counter-offensive which temporarily chased away the occupation force good reasons to believe the Oromo could have succeeded to foil Menelik’s colonial schemes? Were there lost opportunities under the reign of Haile-Sellassie to do away with Abyssinian hegemony or at least gain some degree of autonomy and national liberty? Were there lost opportunities at the fall of the imperial regime? Were there lost opportunities under Derg dictatorship? Any opportunity lost at the fall of the Derg regime? Were there lost opportunities during the 1990/91transition from dictatorship to a worse tyranny? Can the disbandment of the Derg army be regarded as the best gift EPLF/TPLF could ever give to the Oromo movement?? If so, is the inability or unwillingness of the Oromo to utilize the precious gift and re-enforce its capability to have a significant say on the course the country could take be regarded as a wasted opportunity? Were there alternative courses to passive resistance against new occupation force?? Is the current movement destined to slip through our fingers and be remembered as another lost opportunity?? The list of questions is too long to exhaust here. The purpose of these questions is not to lament on what is lost but to stress on the importance of identifying past errors to avoid them in the future. It is not a right time to dwell on blame games about the past but to focus on the future.But the honest answer to the earlier question every Oromo struggles with is that the only reason the Oromo was colonized and remains under bondage is probably due to the constant trait throughout its known history: chronic lack of unity. If the Oromo has to look for a blame for its predicaments, it better look in-words and blame its own disunity. ITS TORMENTS WILL SEE NO END UNLESS SOME COLLECTIVE SOUL-SEARCHING IS DONE AND A REMEDY TO THIS AILMENT IS DEVICED.History has repeatedly shown that lofty rhetoric about “justice” and “human rights” are abstract empty talks merely used as smokescreen to cover up the true intents of the powers to be. As has been declared on many occasions, “nations have no permanent enemies or permanent friends but permanent interests”. The key factor in international relations is POWER. With power comes respect and influence. The weak is a mere beast of pray at the mercy of predators.Every Oromo is confronted with two and only two choices: either unite on a common principle and fight for your inalienable rights or surrender and endure whatever humiliation and pain comes your way. Indifference is not an option but a worse form of surrender. It is time for every Oromo to make the choice and live with the consequences.